Committee of Supply – Head N (Ministry of Foreign Affairs)

The Chairman: Head N. Mr Vikram Nair.

Relations with US and China

Mr Vikram Nair (Sembawang): Chairman, I beg to move, "That the total sum to be allocated for Head N of the Estimates be reduced by $100".

Sir, since World War II, the US has been both the largest economy and strongest military power in the world. During the Cold War, China and the United States (US) were on opposite sides, with relations only thawing under President Nixon and Secretary Henry Kissinger who visited China and met with Chairman Mao in the early 1970s. In the 1980s and 1990s, relations continued to thaw as China integrated itself into the world economy, culminating in its membership of the World Trade Organization in 2001. Both countries prospered together for much of the time since, with trade and capital flowing across.

China has since grown to become the second largest economy in the world. Along with its economic growth, it has developed as a military power and a major player on the international stage – with its Belt and Road Initiative providing investment and engagement far and wide.

In the last decade though, relations have grown more tense as a strategic rivalry has developed. There is now a bipartisan consensus in the US that they need to be "tough" on China. This resulted in a trade war in 2018 – with both slides slapping tariffs on goods from each other and with pressure on businesses to disengage. These tariffs continue to today.

As discussed in this House in previous Committee of Supply (COS) debates, Singapore watches the trajectory of US-China relations closely. The current tensions have already led to a bifurcation of technology and supply chains.

The issue of Taiwan also continues to be a potential tinderbox in relations. Our global economy is inter-dependent and any bifurcation between the two largest economic powers will be painful. This can only lead to a more fractured, more divided, less prosperous and less peaceful world.

In matters, such as climate change, US and China are the world's largest carbon producers and as these matters need a collective solution, it will be important for the US and China to demonstrate leadership in these issues. This is best done collectively. Singapore and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are both in a difficult position in this matter, as we have close economic and political ties to both countries. Considering the current state of geopolitics, how can Singapore preserve our relevance to both the US and China without choosing sides?

Question proposed.

Our Relevance and Place in the World

Mr Kwek Hian Chuan Henry (Kebun Baru): Chairperson, Sir, the world remains deeply divided as we start 2024. Geopolitically speaking, the world has yet to emerge from long COVID-19. Both the Russian Ukraine war and the Israeli-Hamas conflict shows no signs of abating and could escalate beyond. US-China rivalry remains heightened, with both major powers mired in complex internal complications. Trade tensions between the major trading blocs continue to rise over semiconductors and electric vehicles; and global warming continues unabated, because the world lacks a strong collective will to fight it.

Therefore, the stable geopolitical backdrop and international trading system – that served Singapore well for decades – continue to dissipate. Given these increasing geopolitical divisions, how can Singapore continue to maintain our relevance and our ability to make independent foreign policy decisions? And because foreign policy starts at home, can the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) share on what more can be done to unite our people behind our foreign policy decisions so that we can advance our collective interests as one people?

Future-proofing Our Foreign Policy

Mr Chong Kee Hiong (Bishan-Toa Payoh): Chairman, the current international state of affairs has been marked by multiple sources of disruption and turbulence. There are ongoing conflicts in various regions of the world, including Europe and the Middle East. In an interconnected world, these conflicts have had a significant economic and emotional impact on our people.

Geopolitical competition between large powers have created centrifugal forces that are affecting many countries in a major way. We have shifted away from a unipolar world order – as it was in the 1990s and 2000s. We are entering a period of reduced strategic trust and increased suspicion between the large powers.

The global economic outlook is also changing. The large powers have imposed restrictions on their exports of raw materials and technology and have begun to use "friend-shoring" and "near-shoring" to bring critical supply chains closer to home. This has increased the need for Singapore to diversify our economic partnerships with the rest of the world.

The advent of artificial intelligence (AI) has also become a major source of technological disruption. It is clear that even in the arena of international affairs, it cannot be business as usual. Singapore must be nimble and identify the opportunities and risks that AI and other frontier technologies will bring.

The international rules for AI are also nascent. Singapore should work to position ourselves as a thought-leader on AI; and play a constructive role in the development of international rules that will govern the use and development of AI. As a small but highly globalised city-state, how can we ensure that Singapore's foreign policy remains independent and is future-proofed and fit for purpose to overcome these challenges in this new age?

Conflict in Middle East

Mr Vikram Nair: Chairman, the Gaza war shows no signs of abating and this conflict is now spilling to other parts of the Middle East. In October 2023, the Houthis, ostensibly in condemnation of Israel's military operation in the Gaza, launched unlawful attacks on vessels in the Red Sea region, a major sea line of communication (SLOC). This has disrupted the flow of trade and threatened the safety and freedom of navigation through the area.

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Singapore has condemned these unlawful attacks. As a maritime and trading nation, it is in our interest to work with the international community to uphold international law and ensure that SLOC in the Red Sea remain open. Singapore is participating in Operation Prosperity Guardian (OPG), a US led initiative to restore free flow of maritime shipping through the Red Sea and rebuild confidence in trade.

Singapore supported the adoption of the UN Security Council Resolution 2722 on 10 January 2024 which condemned the Houthi attacks "in the strongest terms" and demanded that the Houthis cease all attacks on merchant and commercial vessels.

Given our reliance on maritime trade routes, what more does Singapore plan to do in relation to this issue?

Impact of Israel-Hamas Conflict

Miss Rachel Ong (West Coast): Chairman, many Singaporeans are distressed by the humanitarian situation in Gaza. All sides should do their utmost to prioritise the safety of civilians and stop the attacks and destruction of civilian infrastructure.

To protect their sovereignty and their peoples' livelihoods, countries have the right to self-defence. That said, all countries must respond proportionately and respect international law.

At the UN, Singapore has consistently voted in favour of resolutions calling for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire. This is essential for the international community to provide humanitarian aid that the civilians of Gaza urgently need.

The Government has also cooperated with like-minded partners to provide humanitarian assistance. It has worked with partners like the Singapore Red Cross and Mercy Relief to send humanitarian goods for Gaza on the RSAF's Multi-Role Tanker Transport to Al Arish, Egypt, in November 2023. Just last month, SAF deployed a medical team to treat injured civilians from Gaza on board a French Navy Ship.

Given the continued crisis, what else can Singapore do to address the ongoing Israel-Hamas conflict?

Preserving Harmony, Maintaining Humanity

Mr Zhulkarnain Abdul Rahim (Chua Chu Kang): Singapore has had a long history of being a multicultural and globalised society. A large part of our success as a nation can be attributed to how we have celebrated our diversity and lived in harmony. We are also a very open society. Our citizens are comfortable on digital platforms, travel widely and consume a wide array of media from many different countries.

Overall, this is a boon for Singapore. That said, we should remain clear-eyed about the potential downsides and work proactively to mitigate them. Foreign actors may attempt to interfere in our way of life via influence operations. If left unchecked, this may disrupt our balanced societal fabric. As such, it is vital for Singapore to guard against external players that seek to influence our society and advance certain perspectives that may cause division.

MFA plays an important role and, here, I place on record my thanks to MFA officers who have worked hard on the ground and overseas to fly the Singapore flag high.

How can Singapore preserve our racial and religious harmony and remain vigilant against foreign interference?

Furthermore, the worsening humanitarian situation in Gaza has evoked strong reactions amongst many Singaporeans. I am reassured that many Singaporeans have made significant contributions through donations in cash and other forms. How else has Singapore contributed to resolving the humanitarian situation in the Israel-Hamas conflict?

The Chairman: Mr Alex Yam. Not here. Mr Liang Eng Hwa.

Rules-based International Order

Mr Liang Eng Hwa (Bukit Panjang): Mr Chairman, as a small country, the existence of a rules-based international order meant a lot to us. It is where we derive stability and normality and, hence, peace and prosperity.

From my understanding of what rules-based international order is, a major part seems to centre on the United Nations (UN) and its Charter. A hundred and ninety three countries have signed to be part of the UN Charter and, hence, are obliged to follow the principles and provisions that extend from that Charter.

Besides the UN Charter, there are other international conventions, treaties, international agreements and rulings from the ICJ which purported to be rules that nations should abide by. Notwithstanding all these rules and international agreements that we have, we know that there is no shortage of violations or unobserved rules by countries big or small. There appears to be no supranational enforcement body that can reign in any violations of all these rules.

Under this setting, how can tiny Singapore play our part to bolster the rules-based international order?

Singapore's Role in Multilateral Forums

Ms Nadia Ahmad Samdin (Ang Mo Kio): Chairman, geopolitical tensions around the world are high, including the Russia-Ukraine war and the Israel-Palestine crisis in Gaza, among others. They threaten the foundation of a rules-based international order crucial to Singapore's existence. We have made efforts to speak up and participate at multilateral forums, but in a world where size and might threaten to dominate, we cannot just seek to maintain peace, but must make active efforts towards building it.

Small states may naturally face challenges at platforms, such as the UN, because of our relative size. We have found coalition through informal groups with like-minded members, such as the Forum of Small States. Such groupings allow us to better register our interests and concerns in one voice. I would like to ask, with the global challenges to multilateralism, what is Singapore's view on the effectiveness of participation at global forums, such as the UN?

In ASEAN, how are we supporting efforts to strengthen integration between member states to ensure that the platform remains relevant and fit for purpose, translating into effective actions that benefit us both as Singapore and as a collective bloc?

Finally, how can the Government better expose and meaningfully engage Singaporeans, in particular our youth, to have a better understanding of Singapore's approach to foreign policy and the roles and reach of multilateral organisations to galvanise action and create impact, particularly during these turbulent times?

Singapore's Work with Small States

Ms Usha Chandradas (Nominated Member): Mr Chairman, my cut concerns Singapore's work with other small states.

Small states, by their very nature, share specific concerns and common interests, such as environmental and economic vulnerabilities. Singapore has historically supported platforms that allow small states to discuss and foster common positions on issues of mutual concern. Accordingly, this gives all parties involved a much bigger voice in the United Nations. Can the Ministry provide updates on Singapore's planned initiatives in 2024 in its work with other small nations through platforms, such as the Small Island Developing States, the Forum of Small States (FOSS), 3G and the Alliance of Small Island States. In particular, can the Minister explain how Singapore is planning to engage with and assist these groups to prepare for common challenges, such as that of climate change?

Malaysia

Ms Joan Pereira (Tanjong Pagar): Malaysia remains our closest neighbour. We have strong ties at the political, economic and people-to-people levels. Our Government have engaged Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim consistently over many years and have maintained regular exchanges between political officeholders and senior officials. As such, we enjoy good relations with Malaysia, with mutual interest and commitment to deepen engagement and expand cooperation.

Going forward, there are many areas for our countries to cooperate in, such as the sharing of low-carbon and renewable energy technologies, carbon capture and storage and carbon credits. There are also initiatives, such as the ASEAN Power Grid, which will strengthen regional interconnectivity and enhance energy security for both countries.

Would MFA share how we can ensure continuity and growth in our bilateral cooperation with Malaysia?

Contributing to Regional Stability

Mr Keith Chua (Nominated Member): Mr Chairman, the current state of global affairs is relatively turbulent, characterised by competition between major powers and multiple crises happening around the world.

It, therefore, remains important for Singapore, as a small country, to contribute towards building regional stability, including through working with our closest neighbours. What areas can we specifically contribute to in the near term?

Singapore has also worked with Malaysia on many projects, some of which have been focused on Johor. One such example is the Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone (JS-SEZ). JS-SEZ aims to strengthen connectivity through improving the cross-border flows of goods and people between both sides of the Causeway. At the same time, I understand that Singapore has also been working with Malaysia on easing congestion at the Causeway. Could the Minister kindly provide an update on our state of cooperation with Malaysia, including Johor?

Singapore's Relationship with Neighbours

Mr Don Wee (Chua Chu Kang): Chairman, Singapore has always sought to maintain good relationships with our neighbouring countries. We and our fellow ASEAN Member States have common interests in preserving regional peace and stability.

ASEAN countries have great potential for economic growth, particularly in emerging areas, such as renewable energy, carbon credits and the digital economy, where there is room for cooperation. They have growing young and energetic populations and significant natural resources that provide ample opportunities for collaboration, such as the agri-food sector.

Two of our closest neighbours, Malaysia and Indonesia, have seen or will be seeing political transitions. In Malaysia, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim's Unity Government has been in power for over a year now. Indonesia held its presidential election on 14 February 2024 and Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto won a convincing majority. While we have already been working closely with both Malaysia and Indonesia, there remains to be many new opportunities. Both nations have a younger demographic than Singapore and larger domestic markets. Indonesia is also the largest country in ASEAN and the world's 16th largest economy, achieving a GDP growth of 5% in 2023.

We have deep and longstanding defence relations with Thailand and have strengthened cooperation in the digital economy realm through initiatives, such as the PayNow-PromptPay Linkage.

Our strategic partnership with Vietnam may be upgraded to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in the future. In February 2023, we signed a Green-Digital Economic Partnership with Vietnam to strengthen collaboration in the green and digital economies.

As we embark on our decarbonisation agenda, the Lao PDR-Thailand-Malaysia-Singapore Power Integration Project (LTMS-PIP) has paved the way for us to begin importing renewable energy. The Energy Market Authority has also issued Conditional Approvals to import low-carbon electricity from Cambodia and Vietnam.

Would the Minister give us an overview of the state of our relationships with our neighbours? What more can Singapore do to deepen her engagements with Southeast Asian countries beyond our immediate neighbours? What new areas of cooperation should we focus on to ensure that Singapore remains well-positioned to work fruitfully with them?

Furthering Strong Ties with Indonesia

Mr Chong Kee Hiong: Chairman, during these turbulent times, it is important for Singapore to keep our existing partnerships strong while seeking to expand our network. Singapore has strong people-to-people and economic ties with Indonesia across many sectors. How is the Government supporting and nurturing these relationships? In view of the upcoming change in leadership, how will we continue to pursue a positive agenda with Indonesia?

Singapore is an important gateway for foreign investments into Indonesia. We are also exploring emerging areas of cooperation in areas, such as renewable energy, healthcare and carbon capture and storage. Both our countries have signed and ratified the three agreements under the Expanded Framework, which covers key issues, such as airspace, defence and extradition. Amidst shifting global supply chains, we should do more with Indonesia on food security cooperation.

With so much potential at hand, how can we ensure that our relationship with Indonesia remains robust and that both sides continue to work together in the spirit of cooperation?

The Chairman: Mr Vikram Nair. Please take your two cuts together.

Relations with Indonesia

Mr Vikram Nair: Chairman, our relationship with Indonesia, our immediate neighbour and the largest economy in ASEAN, has been an important one. We have had strong ties with successive Presidents and built relationships at all levels, including between our governments, militaries, businesses and at the people-to-people level. Indonesia was, together with us, among the founding members of ASEAN.

After almost 10 years, Indonesia will now be undergoing a leadership transition. President Jokowi has been a popular President, and during his time, we have achieved some significant milestones in the relationship, including signing agreements to address the flight information region (FIR), defence cooperation and an extradition treaty.

Indonesia held its presidential election on 14 February this year, and Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto appears to have won a convincing majority. I understand that General Prabowo is well-known to many of our leaders and I believe it will be important for us to build deeper ties with the new administration.

How will Singapore continue to maintain good ties with the new administration and what opportunities does MFA see to deepen ties further with Indonesia?

Indochinese Region

Indochina is the region of ASEAN that sits between India and China.

Our relationship with Thailand is a long-standing one – as a fellow founding ASEAN member. We have deep and longstanding defence relations with Thailand and have strengthened cooperation in the digital economy.

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The other countries in Indochina – Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos – are newer members of ASEAN, with whom we also have also steadily built ties. We have a strategic partnership with Vietnam and are exploring upgrading relations to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership.

There are growing opportunities for us to collaborate in emerging areas, such as renewable energy. The Lao PDR-Thailand-Malaysia-Singapore Power Integration Project (LTMS-PIP) is an example. This allows us to import renewable energy and could be a pathfinder for an eventual ASEAN Power Grid. I will be interested to know if MFA has any update on the status of relations with Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos and its plan for the upcoming year?

Singapore's Relationship with Indochina

Mr Don Wee: Chairman, will MFA provide an update on our diplomatic and economic relations with the countries in Indochina region – Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Thailand?

What are the current and upcoming projects in trade, investment and regional cooperation, such as digital finance initiatives with Thailand and the decarbonisation projects with Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam?

Supporting our Neighbouring Countries

Mr Keith Chua: Mr Chairman, Singapore and Laos are fellow small states who have worked well together. We should render all possible support for Laos' ASEAN Chairmanship this year – just as we did for previous years.

I am pleased to note that MFA is providing training courses for Laotian officials under the Singapore-Laos Enhanced Cooperation Package.

Singapore is also supporting Timor-Leste in its efforts to fulfil the roadmap for its accession to ASEAN. For instance, our Singapore-Timor-Leste ASEAN Readiness Support package provides support for capacity-building. We should further deepen cooperation with Timor-Leste in capacity-building once we establish our resident Mission in Dili.

What more can we do to help Laos and Timor-Leste and build caring communities in ASEAN and beyond? What can the people and private sectors do to support these efforts?

Situation in Myanmar

Mr Dennis Tan Lip Fong (Hougang): Mr Chairman, the conditions in Myanmar following the military coup in 2021 are not improving. The civil war appears to be turning more intense with the military suffering territorial losses, the attacking of civilians and more lately, the decision to conscript the male population. Casualties and lawlessness seem to be melting. Displaced persons and refugee numbers are climbing. This despite ASEAN's Five-Point Consensus and efforts to reach to the military leadership of the State Administration Council as well as apparent informal contact with the National Unity Government.

How with the change in ASEAN Chair affect the progress made so far? Events in Myanmar may seem far away from Singapore to some. However, given that Myanmar is a regional neighbour, our fates are linked.

Civil war in Myanmar has also led to rising human trafficking, expanded drug production, increased drug trafficking and what looks like an exponential growth in scams. The Straits Times recently reported – based on Police figures – 46.8% increase in scams in 2023, with loss totalling $651.8 million. Some of these scams allegedly originate from Myanmar. Singaporeans have also been ensnared by crime syndicates and forced to work for scam operations in Myanmar. If we are concerned about tackling drugs, human trafficking and scams in Singapore, we should also be concerned to see how more efforts should be made to address some of the roots of this problem. That also means – among other things – supporting Myanmar's return to stability.

There are both humanitarian and practical reasons for doing so, as I laid out above. It is also easy enough to ignore what is happening in Myanmar, as conflicts in Gaza and Ukraine continue to rage. But what goes on in Myanmar has arguably more direct consequences for Singapore.

With the worsening situation in Myanmar, how does MFA intend to address the multiple challenges that Myanmar poses to Singapore and the region in the coming year – whether by ourselves or in conjunction with our ASEAN partners?

The MFA stated at page 104 of the FY2024 Revenue and Estimates regarding Myanmar, "We will safeguard our interests through engagement of all key stakeholders, while playing a constructive role in supporting ASEAN's efforts to encourage a peaceful resolution to the crisis."

So, what are MFA's concrete plans for playing this constructive role? Will MFA also be officially engaging the National Unity Government and other groups opposed to the State Administration Council? These actors are, in the end, key stakeholders too. How will MFA work with our ASEAN partners to concretely address any limitations of the Five-Point Consensus process?

Myanmar

Mr Vikram Nair: Chairman, it has been three years since the coup in Myanmar and conditions for the people of Myanmar remain dire. Singapore has strongly supported ASEAN's efforts to provide urgent humanitarian assistance for the people of Myanmar, including through the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management (AHA Centre).

We have made a variety of contributions through the AHA Centre and also provided assistance when Cyclone Mocha hit Myanmar in May 2023. This included the RSAF's delivery of the AHA Centre's relief supplies to Myanmar, using our C-130 aircraft. Singapore has stated that it will continue to work with fellow ASEAN member states to support the AHA Centre.

However, other than humanitarian assistance, does MFA believe there is anything else Singapore and ASEAN can and should do to help resolve the crisis in Myanmar? Can anything else be done to address the humanitarian issues in Myanmar?

ASEAN's Continued Relevance

Mr Liang Eng Hwa: Chairman, there has been greater emphasis and high visibility of ASEAN in our regional affairs in recent years and, at the same time, many of the ASEAN member states have also been playing prominent roles in their own way.

In past Committee of Supply debates, the issue of ASEAN centrality comes up quite often. ASEAN is the often seen as the representational regional grouping that speak in one voice on regional issues and engage with external powers as a unified group.

We all know that ASEAN can only stay relevant and influential if there are unity of purpose and member states seeing strength in its collective value. I would like to ask the Minister: how can we ensure ASEAN's continued relevance within the international space, considering the troubling and the unsettling geopolitical environment?

Bolstering and Reforming ASEAN

Ms Sylvia Lim (Aljunied): Sir, Singapore has been a beneficiary of ASEAN membership since the organisation's founding in 1967. It provided a means for regional states to de-emphasise differences and work together – both during the Cold War and after.

With regard to economic cooperation, we are collectively each other's largest trading partners – outweighing both China and the US. Much of the foreign direct investment coming into Singapore is then reinvested in other ASEAN member states to the benefit of our economy and businesses. For a long time, ASEAN centrality was based around its ability to convene events that bring together different, even rival actors around the world. It was a way for Singapore and fellow members to amplify our voices internationally.

ASEAN today faces different challenges. There are increasing questions about improving and maintaining internal cohesion. Some prime examples, include Myanmar and the difficulties in promoting negotiations among the warring parties; the South China Sea, especially how to promote peaceful management of disputes; and addressing erosion and other riparian issues along the Mekong River.

Additionally, the intensifying US-PRC rivalry has also put pressure on the governments, societies and interests of different ASEAN members to move in divergent directions. Conditions may well get worse, given the continued trouble for the Chinese economy and US domestic politics leading up to and following the elections in November this year. These circumstances mean that more than ever, Singapore and fellow ASEAN members need an ASEAN that is suited for the times.

I would like to ask how the current Government is working with fellow ASEAN members to strengthen, update and reform ASEAN to make sure it continues to serve our collective needs going forward. How do we make the concept of ASEAN centrality more concrete, such that it has a continued ability to set regional agendas and perhaps even bargain collectively? Changes may include, for instance, investing in the institution, such as by increasing the budget and capacities of the Secretariat to ensure that it can perform its current mandate more efficiently and effectively. What are plans to collaborate with other extra-regional partners to augment the work of ASEAN in defence of Singapore's interests? If we are committed to the ASEAN project, then we must make it work.

The Chairman: Mr Neil Parekh, you may take your two cuts together.

ASEAN Chairmanship 2024

Mr Neil Parekh Nimil Rajnikant (Nominated Member): Chairman, Singapore is a strong supporter and an active and founding member of ASEAN. Amidst a troubled global outlook, it is even more important for Singapore to take the lead and work with ASEAN member states to pursue a positive agenda and deliver substantive cooperation.

Sir, the theme of Laos' 2024 ASEAN Chairmanship is "Enhancing Connectivity and Resilience". May I ask the Minister for Foreign Affairs: how does the 2024 Chairmanship theme and priorities align with Singapore's interests in ASEAN? Also, what can Singapore do to support Laos' Chairmanship through the year?

Engaging the Middle East

Chairman, the Middle East continues to be a key region of importance for Singapore and the world. Over the years, we have cultivated strong ties with many Gulf countries and have had frequent high-level exchanges.

In August 2023, Singapore hosted the 8th Qatar-Singapore High-Level Joint Committee, which Qatar Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sheikh Mohammed Bin Abdulrahman Al Thani and Senior Minister Teo Chee Hean co-chaired. In October 2023, our Prime Minister visited Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. In December 2023, Sultan Haitham Bin Tarik made the first-ever State visit by an Oman Sultan to Singapore.

If I may ask the Minister: how does Singapore plan to build on these high-level engagements to strengthen further our relations and cooperation with the Gulf countries? Also, what are some emerging areas of collaboration with the Gulf countries that have embraced economic transformation and diversification?

Singapore's Relationship with Africa

Mr Don Wee: Chairman, Singapore is a strategic partner of South Africa.

Many major South African companies have their Asian headquarters here. Last year, our Prime Minister made his first official visit to South Africa while South African Deputy President made an official visit to Singapore. How is our relationship with South Africa and how do we see our engagement with the broader African region?

US-China Contestation

Ms Tin Pei Ling (MacPherson): Chairman, the ongoing competition and tensions between the United States and China have intensified in recent years, particularly in economic, technological and geopolitical spheres.

Singapore, as a small, open economy strategically located in Southeast Asia, is deeply affected by the dynamics between the US and China. As the US-China rivalry continues to evolve, Singapore will need to navigate carefully to mitigate risks while seizing opportunities that emerge from this contestation. Our ability to maintain neutrality, adapt to changing economic and geopolitical landscapes and leverage our strengths will be crucial in safeguarding its interests amidst the US-China competition.

Yet, Singapore will continue to face pressures from both sides to take side. How will Singapore manage such pressures and ensure that Singapore's national interest continues to be safeguarded? In addition, as a sovereign country, Singapore must decide our own path and destiny. We take pride in Singapore being multiracial and multicultural.

Throughout history, we have seen how certain divisive narratives and perspectives can create major rifts in societies. Singapore must guard against these divisive narratives, lest they create schisms between Singaporeans.

Some of these messages can come from foreign sources and perhaps, with an intent to influence which side our country should take. In this digital age, messages can spread more quickly and it is getting difficult to discern the accuracy and intent of information. Deepfakes can also become more prevalent, making the challenge worse and our democracy can also be greatly undermined. Hence, how will our Government manage and reduce such risk of foreign influence in our domestic politics?

Outlook on China

Mr Shawn Huang Wei Zhong (Jurong): Chairman, Prime Minister and Chinese President Xi Jinping upgraded relations between Singapore and China to an "All Round High-Quality Future-Oriented Partnership" in March 2023.

This was an important milestone that affirmed the longstanding and mutually beneficial partnership that we share. It reflects our mutual commitment to deepen and refresh our wide-ranging cooperation – including in new and emerging areas.

Bilateral cooperation is deep and multifaceted. On the economic front, China is our top merchandise trading partner while Singapore is China's largest foreign investor. Our cooperation is anchored by institutional mechanisms, such as the three government-to-government projects: Suzhou Industrial Park, Tianjin Eco-City and Chongqing Connectivity Initiative.

Both sides kept a high tempo of bilateral exchanges throughout 2023. Singapore welcomed several senior PRC leaders in 2023, including Vice-President Han Zheng last November and Foreign Minister Wang Yi last August.

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In turn, many Singapore delegations have visited China, including Prime Minister in March, Deputy Prime Minister Wong in May and December, and several other Ministers. Deputy Prime Minister Wong had a successful visit to China last December to co-chair the 19th Joint Council for Bilateral Cooperation (JCBC) with Vice Premier Ding Xuexiang, concluding 24 deliverables across a broad range of sectors.

For instance, we announced the signing of the China-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (CSFTA) Further Upgrade Protocol. There were also deliverables in areas like green, digital, finance, and food security cooperation.

As such, what is our outlook for China in 2024 and in the long term?

US-China Relations

Mr Dennis Tan Lip Fong: Mr Chairman, that the rivalry between Washington and Beijing is becoming more and more serious is undeniable, as are other points of friction in East Asia and beyond. The Prime Minister discussed it. One of the Deputy Prime Ministers also raised the issue on several occasions. Competition among major powers is a common feature of their relations.

Well managed, they can spur innovation and grow within stable and predictable parameters. If not, contestation can prompt friction, tension, instability, unpredictability and an extreme conflict. A key element of US-China ties today is marked by the US and its allies on one side, China and its partners on the other.

Contentiousness is growing in the arc from the Korean Peninsula and the Sea of Japan, through the East Asia Sea, the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea. Ships and aircraft are challenging established norms and interpretations of international law, even as these areas are seeing greater militarisation. In the process, ships and aircraft from different sides are increasingly emboldened, or perhaps ordered to adopt riskier manoeuvres. There have been collisions and near collisions.

Left unattended, current developments could spell greater instability in the region, perhaps even crisis and confrontation. Of course, no one expects Singapore to do anything about the increasingly tense regional atmosphere on our own. That said, it is in Singapore's interest to work with various partners to encourage better management of tensions before they get worse and more difficult to contain.

Could the Minister explain to this House and the public the efforts that MFA is undertaking towards this end? What is the MFA doing to work with fellow ASEAN members and other partners to reduce the growing risk? As a smaller actor, Singapore may have to be a price taker to conditions created by others, but we have the benefits of agility and relative unity given our size. We also have friends and partners.

How does MFA propose that we use these advantages to secure Singapore and protect our interests in a more uncertain and tumultuous time? This may be a test of our wisdom and capability. In the event differences among the different sides should escalate, how does MFA propose that Singapore mitigate the elevated risk that may result? Pressure from various parties and major powers is likely to mount on Singapore under these circumstances.

They will come externally and may even emerge internally. The public needs to understand this risk, be prepared for a response and be ready to support it, including accepting the cost mitigation efforts which may entail and what might these be.

The Chairman: Mr Alex Yam. Not here. Mr Henry Kwek.

Strengthening Our Economic Ties with US

Mr Kwek Hian Chuan Henry: The US remain the undisputed leader in the global economy. She continues to attract the world's top technology, finance, biotechnology and creative talent. The US continues to defy its critics and re-invent itself economically constantly, as demonstrated by its commanding lead in the recent artificial intelligence (AI) revolution. The US dollar remains the sole world reserve currency due to the depth, transparency and productivity of the America's capital markets. And over the last decade, by developing her shale oil and natural gas industries, the US has become a net energy exporter, which lessens its dependence on energy from the Middle East.

As such, more economists are revising their views of the US' place in the world and expect the US to remain the largest world economy for years, despite her much smaller population compared to India and China.

At the same time, the past and current US governments is committed to redrawing its supply chain, and more importantly, re-thinking its relations with its world.

These major shifts are driven by the heightened US-China rivalry, which many of my colleagues spoke about, as well as the rise of nationalism, isolationism and sharp divisions within parts of the American electorate.

These shifting views have real consequences for us as the US. has and continues to be our largest source of cumulative foreign direct investments and advanced technology.

As such, can MFA provide an update on our economic ties with the US? Can MFA also share how Singapore can remain a trusted partner to the US and ensure that we continue to be open to US investment and business?

Relations with China and India

Mr Edward Chia Bing Hui (Holland-Bukit Timah): Singapore's relationships with two global powerhouses, China and India, are pivotal to ensuring continued economic growth and the provision of good jobs for Singaporeans.

China stands as one of Singapore's largest trading partners and our robust economic relations continue to thrive.

However, China is undergoing major economic changes and growth has declined. There are also greater demographic changes due to an ageing population. Geopolitical tensions are also disrupting trade and supply chains.

Amidst these major changes, I would like to ask the Ministry about our plans to maintain our relations with China and deepen a strategic partnership which extends beyond traditional economic realms. An area in which China has excelled is sustainable development. China today is the largest producer of solar panels and electric vehicles. How can Singapore businesses enhance cooperation with China in the area of environmental sustainability?

Similarly, Singapore's relationship with India is anchored in historical, cultural, and economic connections. India represents a vibrant democracy, a fast-growing economy and a rich cultural heritage.

However, we recognise that challenges exist in our relationships with both China and India. Geopolitical tensions and evolving strategic interests that at times conflict will require us to navigate carefully and adapt dynamically to changing circumstances.

In recent years, China and India have also exhibited newfound confidence and assertiveness in their foreign policies. As major global players, there are concerns about their efforts to project a "charm offensive" targeting ethnic Chinese and Indians living overseas. This raises important questions for Singapore: How does MFA ensure that Singaporeans continue to foster a strong national identity in the face of these external influences?

How do we ensure that Singapore remains steadfast and consistent in our relations with China and India?

Concurrently, how do we continue to deepen people-to-people exchanges and how do we build cultural knowledge of our people, especially our young, so that Singaporeans can build long-lasting relationships anchored by mutual trust and respect?

Economic Resilience and Integration

Mr Zhulkarnain Abdul Rahim: The global economic outlook is increasingly uncertain. Since COVID-19, many countries have begun to reconfigure their economic strategies to shield themselves from external shocks. Practices such as "near-shoring" have disrupted the established global supply chains.

Singapore must remain adaptable and find new ways to enhance our economic resilience. We should strengthen cooperation with new partners around to world to diversify our supplies of critical commodities and remain relevant to the global economy.

How has Singapore widened our network to enhance economic resilience and promote greater economic integration?

Relations with new Emerging Markets

Mr Shawn Huang Wei Zhong: The global economic environment has become more uncertain in recent years. Even as we deepen cooperation with our traditional partners, Singapore should do more to strengthen its links with other global players.

There are new economic opportunities in emerging markets that Singapore can tap on, both regionally and further afield.

We have complementary strengths and shared interests in cooperating with these diverse partners on supply chain resilience, the green and digital economies, as well as renewable energy. We must work to diversify Singapore's options and expand our network of friends around the world. This will mitigate the external shocks and challenges brought about by an increasingly fragmented world. How is Singapore building relations and trade links with new and emerging markets?

The Chairman: Raj Joshua Thomas. Not here. Ms Joan Pereira.

Supply Chain Resilience

Ms Joan Pereira (Tanjong Pagar): Global crises, such as COVID-19, have exposed the vulnerabilities of global supply chains. Countries have reacted by trying to bring critical supply chains closer to home through "near-shoring".

Rising geopolitical tensions have also caused countries to look at economic issues through a strategic lens. Countries are increasingly worried that others may weaponise critical supply chains for political leverage.

Singapore relies on global trade to survive. We must adapt to an evolving world and find new ways to diversify our supply chains, especially for critical commodities such as food and energy. How has MFA supported efforts to strengthen Singapore's supply chain resilience, especially in the areas of food and energy?

The Chairman: Mr Xie Yao Quan. You can take your two cuts together.

Technology-enhanced Consular Services

Mr Xie Yao Quan (Jurong): Emerging technologies have impacted many aspects of our lives and many industries have successfully incorporated it in their workstreams. For MFA, one key workstream is the provision of consular services to Singaporeans in need. Has MFA used technology to improve the provision of consular services in recent years?

Singapore Cooperation Programme

The Singapore Cooperation Programme is Singapore's flagship platform for technical cooperation with developing countries.

For more than 30 years, it has been an important avenue for Singapore to share our experiences and support capability building in developing countries. It is Singapore's way of paying forward the assistance we received from other countries and international organisations in our early years.

Can MFA provide an update on how it is supporting the capacity building of other countries through the Singapore Cooperation Programme?

Improving Consular Services

Mr Murali Pillai (Bukit Batok): For overseas Singaporeans who get into distress, having access to MFA's consular services becomes critical.

I am glad to note that the hon Minister for Foreign Affairs has gone on record to stress that assisting overseas Singaporeans is a priority for his Ministry. In the Addendum to the President's Address in April 2023, the Minister anticipated a greater demand for consular services post COVID-19. He also signalled that MFA will meet this increased demand by harnessing technology and through a new corp of professional first responders trained to provide 24/7 consular response to Singaporeans.

What steps has MFA taken in this regard? How was technology leveraged to provide a better quality of consular services to Singaporeans? How does MFA assess Singaporeans' satisfaction level of consular services rendered to them?

Engaging Singaporeans in Foreign Policy

Miss Rachel Ong (West Coast): With the rise in media coverage of fluid and potentially divisive global issues, Singaporeans are engaging in discussions on foreign policy more actively than ever before. This growing trend not only reflects a heightened interest in global affairs but also underscores the importance of such conversations for a nation that is significantly influenced by international events.

However, while this increased interest is positive, there is still room for improvement in how the Government communicates the underlying considerations of foreign policy to the public.

Diplomacy and foreign policy are complex and multi-faceted with various conflicting perspectives. Every decision or statement made can have far-reaching consequences for Singapore's open economy. Therefore, it is crucial for MFA to regularly involve Singaporeans in discussions to foster a clearer understanding of the country's fundamental interests in foreign policy. A united and well-informed citizenry is essential for the success of our foreign policy endeavours.

In light of this, I would like to inquire about MFA's plans to engage Singaporeans on foreign policy matters to enhance awareness of Singapore's core interests.

MFA Engagement Strategies

Mr Mark Lee (Nominated Member): Sir, given the impact of US-China relations, Middle East conflicts and Ukraine-Russia tensions on global stability and their repercussions for Singaporeans, including cost of living and negatively impacting business climate, how is MFA engaging with the public and businesses to mitigate these concerns?

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What approaches are being taken to ensure the prompt and accurate sharing of information, facilitating constructive dialogue, and enhancing resilience among our citizens and businesses? How do these actions reinforce Singapore's international position, protect our national interests and maintain economic stability?

The Chairman: Minister Vivian Balakrishnan

The Minister for Foreign Affairs (Dr Vivian Balakrishnan): Mr Chairman, thank you for all the contributions, questions, suggestions from Members of Parliament (MPs). Again, this year I was struck by the fact that the speeches of the Opposition and the Nominated MPs, and the People's Action Party (PAP) MPs, were entirely fungible. I do not take that consensus for granted and I express my gratitude on behalf of all my staff for your support for MFA. And I hope it is not just because this year, MFA has regained its position as the lowest cost Ministry in the Government Budget.

Let me start by making three points.

First, the world has become an even more dangerous place. In fact, if you look at the situation of the last couple of years, it has progressively become more dangerous. The second point, foreign policy begins at home. Domestic unity, cohesion, consensus within and outside this House are essential for us to conduct effective foreign policy. The third point is that our foreign policy must continue to be based on a realistic assessment of our national interests and our vulnerabilities. It cannot be driven by sentiment, emotion or even affinities with external groups.

Let me emphasise this. When we pledge ourselves as "one united people, regardless of race, language or religion", the MFA dimension to that pledge is that when we engage with foreign countries or foreign citizens, we must also do so regardless of race, language or religion, no matter how close our hearts and our affinities are. And this is a point that we need to bear in mind.

So, let me expand. A dangerous world. Last year, I spoke of a "perfect storm of multiple interlocking crises". I was referring to the contestation between the US and China, the Russia-Ukraine war, climate change, global economic disruptions and the erosion of multilateralism.

Today, the situation is worse. The war between Russia and Ukraine is headed into its third year, and the meat grinder, the casualties mount on both sides and there is no end in sight. Tensions between the US and China have calmed somewhat at a tactical level, but the deep strategic rivalry, the lack of strategic trust continues apace.

The bifurcation, or what some people will call, decoupling, or more euphemistically, de-risking of global supply chains continues. That unravelling is continuing apace.

This type of situation is particularly worrisome for Singapore, because after all, the US and China are our major strategic investment and trading partners. And the lack of strategic trust between them means that the risk of miscalculations that could easily spiral into a larger conflict cannot be discounted, especially over flashpoints like Taiwan and the South China Sea. The threat of climate change continues. I think 2023 was the hottest year on record for 174 years. We also stand on the precipice of a technological and economic revolution, with the advent of generative AI and even the possibility of artificial general intelligence with its impact on jobs.

Mr Chairman, the tragic conflict between Israel and Hamas is the latest addition to this litany of woes. Given the appalling humanitarian tragedy, this conflict has quite understandably elicited a very strong response from both the international community as well as from Singaporeans from all walks of life, from all our communities. It has ignited a debate over Singapore's foreign policy and how we should respond as a country. Indeed, in this contested, fragmented and dangerous world, events in many faraway places over which we have absolutely no control will often have a profound impact on our economy and, in fact, sometimes put our domestic cohesion to the test.

So, let me come back to first principles. Singapore's foreign policy is based on several fundamental objectives. First and foremost, protect our independence, sovereignty, and our territorial integrity. Second, to secure our access to essential supplies – energy, water, food – and to keep air and sea lanes of communication open. This is existential for us. Third, to expand economic opportunities and to maintain our relevance to the world. Mr Henry Kwek and Mr Chong Kee Hiong have emphasised this.

I want to quote the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew and the speech he gave at the S Rajaratnam lecture in 2009. Mr Lee said, "We have to live with the world as it is, not as we wish it to be. We must remain nimble to seize opportunities that come with changing circumstances or to get out of harm's way".

We are a small country with no hinterland, no natural resources, and in fact, no intrinsic relevance. We have to make our relevance to the world. We have an open and trade-based economy that will always be vulnerable to external forces and trends, and we remain a multiracial, multi-religious, and multilingual society in the heart of Southeast Asia.

To ensure our best chances for survival, there are a few things we have to keep doing. First, we have to advocate for a rules-based order and full respect for international law. This is not the ideological position. This is a practical response. It is the only way that small states will have a chance to live in peace without the constant specter of invasion from bigger neighbours.

This House has just passed the Budget for the Ministry of Defence. I stand in full support of that because, as Minister Ng said last night, we do not expect anyone to come to our rescue, to shed their blood for us. In fact, I can even add, I do not think we can bank on any superpower exercising their right of veto in the UN Security Council on our behalf. We are on our own.

Sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity is and must be sacrosanct for Singapore.

And what this means is being prepared to stand up and call out all violations of international law whenever, wherever it happens, and even if it displeases some of our stakeholders and some of our partners or even neighbours. This was why we opposed Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014 and we condemned Russia's invasion of the Ukraine in 2022. And we remain in fact the only Southeast Asian nation to even have sanctions in place against Russia for that egregious act. We also spoke out against the American intervention in Grenada in 1983, and a more sensitive point closer to home, we opposed the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1978.

The reason we took these positions was not because we liked to stand out and stake out a position, but because if we had stayed quiet, we would have implicitly agreed that might makes right and that powerful states can do what they can and the weak must suffer what we must. This goes against the very principles that undergird our existence as a sovereign, independent city-state.

But today, we are witnessing the erosion of multilateralism, we are seeing less cooperation across the world, we are seeing less unity on the global stage, less ability for the world to respond to planetary problems. In its place, we are witnessing the rise of nationalism, of xenophobia, of protectionism, of fragmentation, and in the political arena, frankly, populism. This is inimical to Singapore domestically and to Singapore globally.

Because, in fact, if you reflect upon the past six decades of our Independence, almost six decades, we have been beneficiaries of a rules-based, integrated global economy and this has been one of the key dynamos for our success.

International legal frameworks like the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea protect the right of all States for freedom of navigation and overflight and to maintain open sea routes and sea lines of communication. These are vital to Singapore. This is why Mr Vikram Nair raised the issue of the Houthi attacks in the Red Sea. We are not taking sides, but if anyone, state or non-state, for whatever excuse or pre-text, interdicts maritime safety and maritime navigation, it affects Singapore.

Members of this House may need to be reminded of our basic geography; that if you cannot navigate through the Suez Canal and the Red Sea, if that route is closed, then the shortest route between Europe and Asia around the Cape of Good Hope, is not the Straits of Malacca. You have to go further south and go through the Sunda Straits.

Again, I am trying to make the point that we take a position for our long-term national interest. That is why we contributed personnel to the multinational Operation Prosperity Guardian to protect freedom of navigation and to protect the key sea lines of communication in response to what we assess to be unlawful attacks on commercial shipping by the Houthis. This is about upholding principles, not about taking sides.

Second, we must make common cause with as many partners around the world as possible. That means we will work with all countries on the basis of sovereign equality, mutual respect and mutual benefit. To do this, we need to always bring value to the table.

Our good standing today, I mean, quite frankly, my job as Foreign Minister is so much easier because I stand on the foundations laid by the Pioneer Generation who showed the world they will stand up, would not flinch, they would defend Singapore's national interest, they would add value, we would act transparently and honestly, could be relied upon to be honest brokers. That makes the doors open for today's generation of diplomats. And then, we make sure that in any diplomatic conference, the Singaporean diplomats will be the most well-briefed, the most erudite, the most persuasive and the most constructive people in the room.

And the other big advantage which makes my job so much easier, is that when any Singaporean Minister or diplomat takes a stand on the international stage, it has been coordinated. He speaks not for himself or for MFA; he speaks for the whole-of-Government, the whole of Singapore.

So, this is the way we have conducted foreign policy over decades and how we have achieved a certain branding – a reputation – for being consistent, constructive and to look for win-win outcomes but on the basis of mutual respect. So we have made a difference and we are continuing to make a difference on the international stage – whether it is frontier issues like Generative AI or climate change or digital economy, new energy or sustainability. It is these same habits and attributes that keep recurring. And that is why we must continue to be a credible and honest partner – especially and even in the face of great power rivalry.

When many people asked us about United States and China, implicit in their comments or the question is which side are you going to take? And I have to keep reiterating. We will not become anybody's cat's paw or pawn or Trojan horse. We will be useful; but we will not be used by any other power. We will look at issues as and when they come up dispassionately and we will always choose on the basis of Singapore's long-term national interests.

That means – from time to time – we will face pressure from countries almost always bigger than us, who want us to bend to their will or at least to endorse their positions. But will we need to stand firm and to be prepared from time to time to say no – not in a gratuitous and provocative way but because they know we have done our own calculations. We take a stand, based on our assessment of our long-term national interest. There is no point putting pressure on Singaporean Ministers and diplomats because if anything, we will dig in and we will hold the line even firmer. This makes us relevant, gives us a degree of respect and ability to contribute on the global stage.

These are principles which guide – have always guided our dealings – with powers and partners, big or small. That has enabled us to maintain good and significant equities with both the United States, China, Russia, Europe and all the middle emerging powers – Australia, India, Africa, South America. This year, we celebrated the 30th anniversary of the Suzhou Industrial Park – our first government-to-government project with China. This year is also the 20th anniversary of the US-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (FTA), the first FTA that United States signed with an Asian country.

We continue to reinforce our status as a trusted partner to both superpowers – even as we find new areas to deepen our cooperation. It is important to be able to do that even whilst the two superpowers would not get along and do not have strategic trust and have not yet reached a modest-free band. We are trying to deepen cooperation and to maintain separate relationships with them that are still based on trust. Do you see? Do you understand – appreciate the nature of that diplomatic challenge?

Of course, we will continue to prioritise our relations with our neighbours – especially our two immediate neighbours, Malaysia and Indonesia. And, of course, with ASEAN; and with the regional players and – as I said just now – with the emerging middle powers. I will leave Second Minister Dr Mohamad Maliki Osman and Senior Minister of State Sim Ann to give you more details on this later.

Let me come back to foreign policy beginning at home.

I have already mentioned the essential need for domestic cohesion and unity. This is absolutely essential and existential. If we cannot be united at home, how do we face the outside world with all its dangers, challenges and risks?

At Independence, we were a society riddled with racial and religious fault lines. Our forefathers overcame this by setting aside differences, not erasing it, those differences are still there. But making sure that they did not become a source of internal tension and conflict.

Our Pioneer Generation chose to put Singapore and Singaporeans first. They worked together for the collective good to build, not a Malay nation or a Chinese nation or an Indian nation. They chose to build a nation that all of us equally could call home. But this is always work in progress.

Our ethnic identities, our legacies, our connections – they are still useful for maintaining friendships for establishing and expanding business connections. But fundamentally, even as we parlay our multilingual, multicultural, multi-religious ability, we must remember to look at issues and respond as Singaporeans first. Every time, I go to the Great Hall of the People in Beijing or the Rashtrapati Bhavan in New Delhi, I am always reminded that if my great-grandparents had not left India or China, I do not think I would be there as a guest of India or China.

And then I looked around at my delegation and looked at their faces and then I always point out to my interlocutors, look at my delegation. We are multiracial, multilingual, multi-religious. And I speak on behalf of Singapore and Singaporeans, not as an Indian or Chinese or Malay or on the basis of my religious identity.

I am reminded of that, that every time I go to the White House or go to any palace or any Istana anywhere in the world, this is the way we have to continue dealing with all countries, both those whom we have good, friendly relations with; and those whom we may temporarily have, perhaps, a little bit of tension because of disagreements on issues.

So, the point I am making, is that external issues and events will always have the potential to sow disagreement amongst us. It is hardcoded into our identity. Our diversity is both a strengthen, but also that same windows of opportunity also provide windows for influence, external and for discord and divisiveness. This is not a bug. This is a design feature of Singapore.

So long as we remember that we must not allow centrifugal pressures to threaten our harmony and our cohesion, we can continue to take advantage of our diversity. So, it is both a defining strength and a potential source of division. A variety of opinions is healthy and it provides a foundation upon which we can make collective decisions as a country. But remember that we must always find that middle ground, make the compromises arrive at the consensus, because the moment we fracture, we are irrelevant.

External issues can certainly polarise us. Russia's war with Ukraine was, in fact, a precursor, a preamble for us. We took the position to condemn Russia's invasion because it was a clear violation of international law. But there were competing narratives that were, in fact, opposed to the position that we took. They wanted us to choose a side instead of upholding principles.

The war in Ukraine had significant economic impact. It certainly affected the price of energy, fertilisers and food. We felt it. It was part of the story of inflation around the world. But actually, it did not have all that much emotional resonance. Because given our own makeup, the sense of affinity or identity is much less. But now, let us get real.

The next episode, what is happening in Gaza, the Israel-Hamas conflict. It may actually have less – so far anyway – economic impact. But it has got a very major emotional impact and we should recognise that. The fighting in Gaza has resulted in a humanitarian crisis that is appalling. Anyone with a heart must ache with every picture, every video, every news report you read. Far too many innocent lives have been lost or maimed forever.

The conflict in the Middle East is a complicated one. It goes back decades. In fact, it goes back centuries. Or if you want to go through history, you can even go back thousands of years.

It is a chronic, difficult, painful, tragic, enormously difficult to resolve problem. But what happened on 7 October – and I know I have had this debate with the Leader of the Opposition before – we had to condemn that specific episode on 7 October, when Hamas launched an attack on civilians and took hostages. This was a blatant and abhorrent act of terrorism, which cannot be justified by any circumstance, context, historical reason or justification.

Why are we so obsessed with calling out terrorism wherever we see it and we tell the world – no excuses, no pretext, no justification? Why?

The reason we take this stand again, is not because we are taking sides or that we are trying to correct history or rewrite history. We cannot. We are talking about conflict for thousands of years. We are only a country of 59 years of Independence. No, we are not. We had taken that categorical stand because terrorism is a clear and present threat to Singapore. To excuse terrorism now, for whatever reason, in fact, puts Singapore at risk.

Let me share with you, every time I read about rockets being fired or an insurgent force killing, raping, maiming civilians or taking hostages – actually, the truth is, on 7 October, my thoughts were not so much on Gaza. I was thinking, if rockets landed in Bukit Panjang; if an insurgent force entered Woodlands; if 1,200 Singaporeans were killed; if 200 Singaporeans were kidnapped – that is what I was thinking of.

So, when I say foreign policy begins at home, I tell you: your Foreign Minister spends more time thinking about, "What if that happens here? What would we need to say? What would we need to do? What would be the job of my diplomats and especially my Permanent Representative in New York and if we had to face the Security Council?"

So, I hope you understand why we have to be so categorical at times like this, even though we know it is an emotionally fraught moment.

After the 7 October attacks, we said we recognise Israel's right to self-defence. Again, it is not actually because I was really thinking of Israel or taking sides. We recognised Israel's right to self-defence, because we will assert Singapore's right to self-defence if we ever face a situation like that. I have no doubt about that. It is not only our right of self defence, but I think Members of this House will agree it is our duty to protect our citizens.

But even as we said there is a right of self-defence, we have consistently insisted that Israel must comply with international humanitarian law. Israel's conduct must abide by the principles of necessity and proportionality and Israel must comply with the laws of war, including the principles of distinction and humanity enshrined in the Geneva Conventions. Unfortunately, Israel's military response has gone too far. For avoidance of ambiguity, I am going to repeat that line: Israel's military response has gone too far.

The catastrophic situation in Gaza demands an immediate humanitarian ceasefire to alleviate the unbearable suffering of the civilian victims and to enable humanitarian assistance to reach them immediately.

We are also concerned that there may be a potential ground offensive into Rafa, which will only worsen the situation further. We have made our position clear, both in my conversations with Israel and all our Arab friends and partners, and at the UN.

We voted for the two UN General Assembly resolutions on the protection of civilians and upholding legal and humanitarian obligations, which called for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire.

Some people have told me that that is not enough. We want you to sever diplomatic ties with Israel. Recall your ambassador. Engage in other performative diplomatic actions. Well, I need to tell everyone that we manage our international relations by remaining engaged with the international community and maintaining ties with as many countries as possible that are willing to maintain ties with us.

As a small country, this is in our national interest. Ceremonially breaking ties with countries every time we disapprove of their actions, in my view, that is not constructive.

Whatever we say or do diplomatically will not change the situation on the ground, nor, I will add, will it influence Israel to suddenly change its policy, or will it necessarily immediately reduce the suffering on the Palestinians. None of the five Permanent Members of the Security Council has broken ties with Israel.

Even the Arab countries – Egypt, the UAE, Jordan – continue to have diplomatic relations with Israel. I checked last night during a phone call. Ambassadors may or may not be present, but their staff are present, the embassies are present, and their embassies are open and functioning. Neither have ASEAN countries like Thailand, Philippines or Vietnam broken off relations or closed their embassies in Tel Aviv.

Ms Rachel Ong asked how Singapore's relations with Israel will be impacted by the position that we have taken on the conflict. Clearly, they know that our position is not identical to theirs. I would say that we have been able to maintain good and respectful relations with the State of Israel, but I would also say that we have good and equally respectful relations with the Palestinian Authority.

And all sides know that Singapore will always speak our minds, not provocatively, but because these are dearly held principles that we uphold, and that we will continue to maintain these positions guided by Singapore's long-term national interests and our unique circumstances, and whether or not you agree or disagree with us, it is not personal. It is a carefully considered national position.

Quite frankly, I have never had to get into any shouting matches or disagreeable phone calls with any other foreign minister, regardless of circumstances. It is not because I am such an erudite and charming man, but because I am just the latest current Foreign Minister of Singapore, behaving true to form and holding fast to principles that have stood the test of time.

I want to make one more point about the Israel-Hamas conflict. As I said just now, this is a long-standing conflict – a complicated history. But it is worth emphasising that this is not a religious battle. Religion is actually a veneer covering the heart of the conflict.

What is the heart of the conflict? It is an age-old conflict, a fight over land, over identity, over power. This is an issue that goes back a very long time.

And, in fact, not just by tradition, and not just because they all claim Abraham as their father, but even the latest genetic data, the Israelis and Palestinians are both – both – Semitic tribes who have been fighting over the same sliver of land for such a long time.

It is not possible for outsiders like us, no matter how we feel or do not feel about them and their identity, their culture and their religion. It is not possible for Singaporeans to decide or to determine who is right or who has a stronger historical claim. This long-drawn fight has been a tragedy.

But this is only the latest chapter of a long saga of tragedy. Our hearts quite rightly ache at the bloodshed. But it is essential for Singaporeans to understand and appreciate that this is not our quarrel. And whilst we may feel a diversity of emotions on this, the worst thing would be to let this quarrel polarise and divide us as Singaporeans.

Both Israel and Palestine have a right to exist. Israel has a right to live peacefully within secure borders, but the Palestinian people also have a right to a homeland. This is why way back in 1988 – I bet most people are not aware of that – back in 1988, we welcomed the proclamation of a Palestinian State.

We are under no illusions that the path to an enduring peace will be easy. There is so much distrust and animosity and the recent events have only made things worse.

But for what it is worth, I tell all our friends and partners in the Middle East that Singapore continues to believe that a negotiated two-state solution, consistent with UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, is the only possible basis for a durable peace. Anything else will just condemn them to repeating the cycles of violence and tragedy.

So, we have consistently expressed our support for a two-state solution at the UN. We have consistently opposed moves that undermine a two-state solution in Israel and Palestine. For example, we view Israel's settlements in the West Bank as illegal under international law and we think, in fact, proceeding with the way they have proceeded over the last couple of decades after the failure of the Oslo Accords, will only make things worse and make it much more difficult to arrive at a two-state solution.

So, we have voted in favour of every UN resolution that calls on Israel to rescind unilateral measures to change the status of Jerusalem, not because we have a view on how to settle the Jerusalem question, but because we believe this can only be done through direct negotiations between the two Semitic tribes, the Palestinians and the Israelis, directly arriving at a consensus, however long, however difficult that will be.

Mr Zulkarnain Abdul Rahim asked how we have contributed to the humanitarian situation in Gaza. Singaporeans actually have contributed generously with humanitarian assistance. The Singaporean non-government organisations (NGOs) and the Government raised more than $10 million for relief operations to Gaza so far. I am confident more will follow.

Our strong ties with our partners in the Middle East have allowed us to collaborate with them on the delivery of this aid. So far, we have sent two tranches of life-saving aid for the civilians in Gaza.

Minister Maliki was in Cairo in early November last year to personally hand over the first tranche to the Egyptian Red Crescent. A few weeks later we sent a second tranche that was delivered directly to El Arish, an airport in Egypt near the Egypt-Gaza border. This was delivered by an RSAF, our military aircraft.

In January 2024, Members would know that we also sent an SAF medical team to serve on board a French Navy ship to treat casualties from Gaza.

I told Members just now I spoke to the Jordanian Foreign Minister last night. We have agreed that we will donate a third tranche of aid for Gaza and, this time, we will work through Jordan. We will continue also our long-standing support for the Palestinian Authority's capacity-building efforts through our $10 million Enhanced Technical Assistance Package.

As I said before, we have good ties with the Palestinian Authority. Prime Minister Lee, Senior Minister Teo, Minister Maliki and I have visited Ramallah on multiple occasions. We have met our counterparts there and even during this crisis I have been in phone contact with the Palestinian Authority Foreign Minister.

We do all this because we look forward to the day when there is peace and that there is a functioning, capable Palestinian State and that the Palestinian people get the peace and progress which they so richly deserve.

I mentioned earlier we have also established a representative office in Ramallah in 2022. So, I appreciate that many Singaporeans feel deeply about what is happening. But I also hope you can understand my point that foreign policy cannot be driven one way or the other by sentiment or affinity to any external group.

Our foreign policy must be based on understanding our core interests and acting consistently in accordance with the principles that safeguard our Independence, our sovereignty, our territorial integrity and our security.

Looking ahead, because of the state of the world, there is going to be many more foreign policy issues that are difficult, sensitive, prickly and controversial. The Israel-Hamas war is just the latest chapter.

Can you imagine if there is a war between the US and China or India and China or between our neighbours or in the South China Sea? Then it would not be just economics or just emotion. Everything will come to bear at the same time, both the economic and the emotional impact. And if that happens, if Singapore splits, polarises, divides on the basis of affinity or history or identity, race, language or religion, we will be sunk. We will be divided, we will be weaker, we will be vulnerable, we will not be independent, we will not have autonomy.

I am very glad that our community and religious leaders have tried to help our people better understand the conflict. Trying to help people understand this conflict is a very dangerous and difficult exercise. I mean, you can ask the Ministry of Education (MOE) about this. I am sure Minister Chan will explain more of that later on.

But it is an essential exercise. Where else in the world can you get the Chief Rabbi and the Mufti come together in the immediate aftermath of a horrendous attack and a catastrophic response? Where else in the world will the Rabbi and the Mufti come together in a public display of solidarity, call for stronger bonds between the Jewish and Muslim communities and express their hope and prayers for long-term peace? The Mufti and the Chief Rabbi have both come in for criticism. They are brave people. They are principled people. They are people who have stood up – not just for their communities – but have made Singapore a stronger, safer, better place.

So, this is a wonderful example of Singapore unity, cohesion and compassion at its best.

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Let me end, again, by quoting Mr Lee Kwan Yew. I think he said this in 1966, when speaking to some university students, "We must be realistic. We cannot afford to indulge in emotional outbursts or in wishful thinking. We must face the hard facts of life and deal with them rationally and objectively."

Mr Chairman, we have tried – in MFA and all our diplomats – to abide by this. With your permission, may I ask Dr Maliki and Ms Sim Ann to continue?

The Chairman: Mr Maliki.

The Second Minister for Foreign Affairs (Dr Mohamad Maliki Bin Osman): (In Malay): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] Mr Chairman, the conflict in Gaza is heart-breaking. Every day, we are inundated with news and photos on TV as well as social media, portraying the violence committed upon innocent lives, including the elderly, babies, and children. The relentless destruction and humanitarian catastrophe is heart-wrenching. The sadness and anxiety that we experience are part of our natural disposition as human beings who are driven to protect the vulnerable amongst us. As people with humanity and compassion, we reject all forms of injustice and cruelty. As difficult it is for the eyes that see, it is even heavier for the shoulders that carry.

Israel’s military response has gone too far. We are also concerned that a potential ground offensive into Rafah will worsen the situation. Singapore has clearly stated our position towards this conflict. This includes our votes in favour of two UN General Assembly (UNGA) resolutions last October and December. The resolutions have condemned the attacks against all civilians and demanded that all parties comply with their obligations under international law, including international humanitarian law. Singapore has also called for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire, so that assistance can be effectively rendered to all affected civilians. At the recent G20 Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Brazil, I stressed our country’s firm position again. Israel must step up to protect the safety and security of displaced civilians. Hamas needs to release all civilian hostages unconditionally and safely.

We know that this conflict is not an easy one to solve. It is a complex one that has dragged on for many years. It did not start on 7 October. To achieve a lasting peace settlement, Singapore firmly believes that a two-state solution consistent with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions is needed. We have communicated this principled position on the international stage and through our voting record at the UNGA since 1967. For example, we have voted in support of every UN resolution that calls on Israel to rescind all unilateral measures to change the status of Jerusalem. We also opposed Israeli settlements in the West Bank, which are a violation of international law. A two-state solution is the only way to stop the cycle of violence, and Singapore will do what we can to realise it.

As Singaporeans, we know that this is not a religious conflict. It is a struggle for territorial land that dates back centuries. However, this issue has a deeper impact on Muslims around the world, including the Muslim community in Singapore. The Government understands that our community has specific ties towards this issue.

First, the ties of kinship between our Muslim population and the Muslim population in Palestine. Second, our ties towards the status of the Al-Aqsa Mosque, the third most important mosque for Muslims. Third, our ties of humanity. Therefore, our religious leaders have given guidance and space for our community to express all emotions, such as anger, pain and sympathy towards the suffering experienced by innocent victims, as well as hope for understanding and reconciliation between Israel and Palestine in a way that champions peace, and not destruction. For example, the Office of the Mufti has issued a religious advisory which contains guidance on Islamic views towards violence and our reaction as believers. This is in line with our vision of building and strengthening the Singapore Muslim Identity.

Nevertheless, this does not mean it is only the Muslim community that is affected by the situation in Gaza. Many Singaporeans, regardless of race or religion, deeply sympathise with the plight of the Palestinians and the families of the hostages. They want to show their support in a constructive way.

The Government has been working closely with community organisations to channel our energies towards concrete ways to help the victims of this tragedy. It is heartening to see Singaporeans from all walks of life coming together to provide assistance, even until today. I want to assure Singaporeans that the Government is committed to continuing our humanitarian aid to Gaza, just as we have done in any crisis previously. We are working hard and closely collaborating with our partners in the Middle East to deliver aid.

In November last year, I went to Cairo and witnessed the handover of these supplies. Just a few weeks later, we deployed an RSAF aircraft to airlift humanitarian supplies as our second contribution. Minister Vivian has announced that we will soon donate a third tranche of aid for Gaza through Jordan. Between the Government and the public, we have raised more than S$10 million to support relief efforts in Gaza. Apart from food supplies and medicine, we also sent a medical team to Egypt to treat casualties coming from Gaza. In the long term, we will continue our long-standing support for the Palestinian Authority’s capacity building efforts through our S$10 million Enhanced Technical Assistance Package (ETAP).

As we continue to help the victims of Gaza, a small fraction of society has questioned why we cannot take firmer measures against Israel. For example, they want us to sever our diplomatic ties with Israel. This issue relates directly to our foreign policy. As Minister Vivian said, whatever action we take must prioritise our own national interests. As a small state, we remain relevant on the world stage by maintaining ties with as many countries as possible. Breaking ties with those whose actions we disapprove of will not improve the situation. It would not change the tide of this conflict. Even many countries in the Middle East such as Egypt, UAE and Jordan which are closer and more cognisant of the intricacies of this conflict have not severed ties with Israel. But more importantly, Mr Chairman, keeping our ties does not mean that we are condoning their behaviour. We voice this disagreement through our voting record for the UNGA resolutions on the Palestine issue as I explained earlier.

Mr Chairman, we want this conflict to end as soon as possible. We also want peace to be achieved as soon as possible so that the people on both sides can continue to live in safe and peaceful conditions. But we acknowledge that the path to peace will not be easy. Currently, there is deep mistrust on both sides, and intra-Israeli and intra- Palestinian politics will further complicate the issue as both sides have conflicting positions. While this is not our quarrel, we have called on both sides to make the necessary compromises and commit to finding a solution in good faith.

At the same time, we should continue to ensure that events, even if they occur in distant places, do not threaten the stability and racial harmony that we experience here.

(In English): Mr Chairman, allow me to continue my speech in English.

Today's fragmented world poses serious challenges for small states like us – that depend on inclusion, openness and a rules-based international architecture. But this does not mean that we do not have agency. We do.

We can mitigate these concerns by enhancing our already strong ties with our web of partners and friends. This is not something that we are just doing now. This work – of engagement; of making common cause; of forging mutually-beneficial partnerships – has been ongoing for years. Indeed, this is the DNA of MFA.

I will first speak about our immediate region. Mr Keith Chua, Mr Don Wee, Ms Joan Pereira, Mr Vikram Nair and Mr Chong Kee Hiong, have asked about our relations with Malaysia and Indonesia. The outlook is positive. Relations with Malaysia are in good shape. At the political level, contact is frequent. Around 30 Malaysian Ministers and senior officials visited Singapore in 2023 – including Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, who visited Singapore three times. To deepen mutual understanding and explore new areas of cooperation, our political officeholders also engaged at various state governments, including Penang, Johor, Selangor, Sarawak and Pahang. I myself visited Kelantan and Terengganu in April 2023.

Economic ties are equally robust. Malaysia was one of our top three trading partners last year – with bilateral trade hitting $123.6 billion. This will increase as we find new ways to enhance cooperation and connectivity. For instance, we signed an memorandum of understanding (MOU) on the Johor-Singapore Special Economic Zone (SEZ) last month. By 2026, the new Rapid Transit System Link (RTS) will be operational – facilitating more cross-border interactions. Both the SEZ and RTS are testament to our extensive people-to-people ties.

Similarly, our relationship with Indonesia has strengthened. High-level engagements have been regular, with both President Jokowi and Vice-President Ma'ruf Amin visiting in 2023. We continue to build ties at the regional level. I had the chance to visit North Sumatra, Aceh and the Riau Islands last year, where I met political and religious leaders, businesses and students.

We have worked closely with President Joko Widodo's administration over the past decade. We signed and ratified the landmark Expanded Framework Agreements, turning the page on a generation of long-standing bilateral issues. We are focusing on new areas of cooperation. For instance, we signed an MOU last year to set up the Singapore-Indonesia Tech:X programme. When launched, the programme will allow young tech professionals from Singapore and Indonesia to work in each other's countries and gain exposure. We made good progress in food security cooperation, with Singapore importing live chickens from the Riau Islands since May 2023.

2.30 pm

We thank President Jokowi for his efforts in deepening bilateral ties and we look forward to engaging the incoming administration in the same positive way. There are complementarities between Singapore and Indonesia, so there is still much more that we can do together for mutual benefit. We can continue to explore cooperation at the central and regional levels, in areas like education, human capital development and emerging sectors like in energy and sustainability.

Our special relationship with Brunei continues to grow. At the leadership level, ties are very close. Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Lawrence Wong co-led the 9th Young Leaders' Programme with His Royal Highness Crown Prince Haji Al-Muhtadee Billah in Brunei in December 2023. The President visited Brunei last month in his first state visit since taking office. In the same month, our Prime Minister, Senior Minister Teo and Minister Vivian also attended Prince Abdul Mateen's wedding. We are committed to deepening people-to-people ties through initiatives like the Brunei Darussalam – Singapore Youth Education Scholarship programme and the MOU on Strengthening Civil Service Cooperation.

We are celebrating the 40th anniversary of diplomatic ties with Brunei this year. The 4G leadership remains committed to maintaining this special relationship. We look forward to exploring more ways to advance our cooperation. This includes new and emerging areas like the green economy, renewable energy, food and medical supply resilience and digital connectivity.

Mr Wee and Mr Nair asked about our relations with the rest of Southeast Asia. Our ties are on a good footing. We celebrated the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations with Vietnam last year and are exploring the possibility of upgrading relations to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. We will celebrate the 50th anniversary of relations with Laos and our 55th anniversary with the Philippines this year. We are closely engaging the new governments in Cambodia and Thailand, with whom we will be celebrating the 60th anniversary of relations next year.

To Mr Keith Chua's query about Timor-Leste, we are stepping up our engagement to help support their preparations to join ASEAN, following ASEAN's adoption of the Roadmap for Timor-Leste's accession in May last year. We have also announced our plans to open a resident Embassy in Timor-Leste.

The one concern is Myanmar. Mr Nair and Mr Dennis Tan have noted, the situation there is grave and the level of displacement and humanitarian suffering, concerning. We will continue to support ASEAN's efforts to provide humanitarian assistance through the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management. ASEAN will continue to address the Myanmar issue in line with the Five-Point Consensus (5PC). It is unfortunate that there has been limited progress in the implementation of the 5PC.

But we recognise that the situation in Myanmar is complicated and will take a long time to resolve. Any enduring political solution will have to come from within Myanmar itself. That said, we are committed to working with our partners to facilitate peace and national reconciliation.

It is in our interest to have a stable and conducive regional environment to attract businesses and investments. Mr Tan asked how Singapore can help uphold regional stability. One way is through our consistent bilateral engagements at the leadership level as the earlier generation of leaders did as well. Several of our neighbours have had recent leadership transitions. But we have good links with many of them over the years and we will continue to work closely with them to foster regional stability and prosperity.

ASEAN is another platform to do so. ASEAN forms the cornerstone of our open, inclusive and rules-based regional architecture. Its success is critical to the success of all its members. Ms Sylvia Lim asked if ASEAN would require reforms or a bigger budget to be a more effective organisation. We will ensure that the ASEAN Secretariat is adequately resourced so that they can fulfil their functions and support the region's needs. This is as ASEAN also takes steps to strengthen itself and introduce more effective work processes.

Ms Lim and Mr Liang Eng Hwa have asked how ASEAN would be able to maintain its relevance in today's geopolitical environment. Indeed, ASEAN Centrality has become even more important in the face of intensifying intra-ASEAN challenges and major power rivalry. Our priority now is the implementation of the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP). Under the AOIP, we are exploring concrete projects with our partners in four priority areas: economy, maritime cooperation, connectivity, and the UN Sustainable Development Goals 2030. Through these projects, we aim to increase ASEAN's mindshare, promote mutual benefit, and keep external partners vested in the stability of our region.

ASEAN is a region of considerable economic opportunity. I would encourage younger Singaporeans to consider doing their internships or a semester abroad in an ASEAN country. With 660 million people, a young workforce, urbanisation and healthy GDP growth, ASEAN is already the fifth largest economy in the world and could be the fourth largest by 2030.

ASEAN provides a platform for economic cooperation and integration. For instance, the region is committed to addressing climate change and transitioning to a green economy. At the ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Retreat last month, there was discussion about ASEAN's Power Grid. The benefits of a power grid will be enormous in terms of energy accessibility, decarbonisation and economic opportunity.

On our part, we look forward to enhancing the pilot Lao PDR-Thailand-Malaysia-Singapore Power Integration Project (LTMS-PIP), which serves as a pathfinder for the potential grid. We are also pursuing similar initiatives bilaterally. We have issued Conditional Approvals to import low-carbon electricity from Indonesia, Cambodia, and Vietnam. We signed a Green-Digital Economic Partnership agreement with Vietnam last year. We were the first to sign a Letter of Intent with Indonesia on cross-border carbon capture and storage (CCS). We are also exploring carbon credits collaboration with Laos.

Another example is in the digital economy. ASEAN has launched negotiations on the ASEAN Digital Economy Framework Agreement, which we aim to settle this year. Singapore has digital payment links with Thailand and Malaysia. Last year, we launched a cross-border QR payment linkage with Indonesia. We are seeking to pursue similar arrangements at the multilateral level through ASEAN.

As the 2024 ASEAN chair, Laos has decided on the theme "Enhancing Connectivity and Resilience". To Mr Neil Parekh's query, we are committed to giving Laos our full support for their ASEAN chairmanship, including through the Singapore-Laos Enhanced Cooperation Package. We recognise that Laos' ASEAN chairmanship comes at a crucial time, as ASEAN seeks to position itself for future growth amidst global headwinds. The creation of more shared opportunities in areas like connectivity, supply chains, and energy resilience will benefit all ASEAN members.

We are also looking to deepen engagements with partners outside of Southeast Asia.

We will continue to grow our relations with South Asia, which is a key region for us given our proximity, economic links and history. Mr Edward Chia asked about our relations with India. India is one of our key partners in South Asia and a rising global economic power. We have had a slew of high-level engagements, especially during India's G20 presidency.

Given our close people-to-people ties, we are keen to explore opportunities to promote knowledge sharing between Singaporean and Indian youths through platforms like the Asia-Ready Exposure Programme or the ASEAN-India Exchange Programme. We will also explore cooperation through the India-Singapore Ministerial Roundtable in areas like fintech, sustainability and food and energy security.

To Mr Neil's query on the Gulf States, we enjoy good ties with many of them and are seeking further collaboration in areas like trade and investment, digital governance, cybersecurity and low-carbon energy. In the past year, we have had several high-level exchanges with Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar, Oman, Egypt and Jordan. We established a Strategic Partnership with Saudi Arabia during Prime Minister's visit in October last year, our first in the region. This will provide an enhanced platform for us to deepen cooperation in mutually beneficial areas like human capital development and halal industry cooperation.

We have sustained high-level engagement with our African partners too. For instance, Prime Minister made his first official visits to South Africa and Kenya in May 2023. Mr Wee asked about the ties between Singapore and South Africa. Indeed, we have kept up engagements at the leadership level. Minister Vivian hosted the 4th Singapore-Sub-Saharan Africa High-Level Ministerial Exchange Visit in August 2023. South Africa Deputy President Paul Mashatile made an official visit to Singapore in December 2023. We will continue to bolster ties with our African friends and look for ways to strengthen economic and people-to-people exchanges.

Mr Liang, Mr Alex Yam and Ms Nadia Ahmad Sadin have asked what role Singapore can play to support international order. We can do so by remaining a staunch advocate for rules-based multilateralism. Many other nations see us as a consistent and constructive player on the international stage, evident in the election results of our candidatures in organisations like the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) and the International Maritime Organization (IMO). We will try to contribute to the shaping of global norms in a positive way. For instance, Ambassador Rena Lee oversaw the successful conclusion of the international agreement on Marine Biodiversity of Areas Beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ) in March 2023, buttressing Singapore's leading role on international law of the sea issues.

Ms Usha Chandradas asked how Singapore has been engaging multilateral groups to prepare for common challenges. We are the founder and remain the convener of the Forum of Small States (FOSS) at the UN. Just last week, we hosted the UN Permanent Representatives under the 12th FOSS Fellowship Programme, to discuss best practices on issues like sustainable development, climate change, cybersecurity and digital transformation.

Mr Chairman, I have talked about some of our bilateral and multilateral relations. Senior Minister of State Sim Ann will elaborate on other accounts. But the main point is this: it is our ties with the rest of the world that will help put us in a position to thrive even in turbulent times. This is the agency that we have. This is what our officers here and in overseas missions have been working hard on. MFA will continue to play our part in safeguarding our survival and fostering our prosperity.

The Chairman: Senior Minister of State Sim Ann.

The Senior Minister of State for Foreign Affairs (Ms Sim Ann): Mr Chairman, in Mandarin, please.

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(In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] Minister Vivian has explained why Singapore’s foreign policy has to be driven by the long-term interests of all Singaporeans. We are a small country with no hinterland, no natural resources, and no intrinsic relevance. We have an open and trade-based economy that is vulnerable to external developments. We are a multiracial, multi-religious and multilingual society in the heart of Southeast Asia.

Our foreign policy cannot be driven by prevailing sentiments or affinity to any external group, however powerfully felt they might be. It must be based on understanding our core interests and acting consistently, in accordance with the principles that safeguard Singapore’s independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and security.

The conflict that has raged in Gaza between Israel and Hamas since October 2023 has attracted much attention around the world, and demonstrates how Singapore’s approach towards foreign policy will be tested again and again.

To many in the Chinese-speaking community in Singapore, the Israel-Hamas conflict is part of the long-standing and complex troubles in the Middle East. The historical threads of who should be blamed for doing what to whom are difficult to sort out – as the Chinese saying goes, you cannot slice through the knots, and the more you try to detangle, the worse the knots become (剪不断、理还乱). This view is reflected from the reports and commentaries on the subject carried in our Chinese-language media.

But, for not a few of our fellow Singaporeans, this is a massive and tragic catastrophe. Israel’s military response to Hamas’s horrific acts of terrorism of 7 October 2023 has resulted in mass civilian casualties and a humanitarian crisis in Gaza, with women and children among the worst affected. It is not at all an exaggeration to say that those of our fellow Singaporeans who care deeply about the Gaza issue find it hard to sleep and eat in peace, and experience great pain and anguish (寝食难安、痛心疾首).

This has led to calls for Singapore to do more on the foreign policy front to show solidarity with the Palestinians in Gaza and condemn Israel.

Minister Vivian and Second Minister Maliki have addressed the Government’s position in their speeches. Singapore has strongly condemned Hamas’ attack on and killing of Israel civilians and the kidnapping of hostages on 7 October 2023. It was a blatant and abhorrent act of terrorism that cannot be justified by any circumstances, context or history. Terrorism poses a clear and present threat to Singapore. To excuse terrorism now would endanger Singapore in the future.

After the 7 October attacks, we recognised Israel’s right to self-defence. This is not because we are taking sides. If Singapore is ever attacked, we would certainly exercise this right to self-defence – indeed, our duty is to protect our citizens. However, we have consistently insisted that Israel comply with international humanitarian law. Israel’s conduct must abide by the principles of necessity and proportionality.

Unfortunately, Israel’s military response has gone too far. We are also concerned that a potential ground offensive into Rafah will worsen the situation. The catastrophic situation in Gaza demands an immediate humanitarian ceasefire to alleviate the unbearable suffering of the Palestinian civilian victims and enable humanitarian assistance to reach them. At the same time, we also call for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages.

We call for negotiations toward a two-state solution consistent with relevant UNSC resolutions. This is the only option for a durable peace.

This is not the first or the last time when some Singaporeans would feel the powerful pull of sentiments arising from events happening beyond our shores, and call for our foreign policy to reflect these sentiments. It will also not be the last time when sentiments felt strongly by one group of Singaporeans are not necessarily shared to the same extent by others.

We are, after all, a diverse society – made up of fellow citizens from different ethnic, religious and cultural backgrounds. This diversity is a great strength for Singapore. But our ever-present challenge is to maintain unity of purpose while amidst diversity. In the case of foreign policy, it is about ensuring that our foreign policy always reflects Singapore’s core interests, despite the ebbs and flows of sentiments.

Mr Zhulkarnain, Mr Edward Chia and Ms Tin Pei Ling have asked about how Singapore can remain vigilant against foreign interference in domestic politics.

We are a diverse society who lives in harmony. We enjoy mutual respect and a shared sense of national purpose. This is an achievement to be proud of. This has given us a richness of perspective and experience that has been an advantage.

Our diversity also means that external forces can try to divide us. There have been attempts to condition us to think in certain ways by appealing to a more specific racial or religious identity.

This is why the Foreign Interference (Countermeasures) Act (FICA) was introduced. FICA is aimed at protecting the integrity of our society.

The recent case where an individual was designated as a politically significant person (PSP) for the first time under the FICA brings this issue to the fore.

This development has raised questions within some segments of the Chinese community over the parameters, which businesses and civic groups can engage foreign organisations.

As FICA comes under the ambit of MHA, I will not discuss the operationalisation of the Act. However, I would like to make three points from MFA’s perspective.

First, we recognise that the Chinese community in Singapore embodies the tradition of 忧国忧民 - caring not just about their own success but that of the entire nation. Singapore Chinese civic and business leaders are fully aware of the importance of effective diplomacy to Singapore, and tend to watch developments in our external relations closely and contribute actively to discourse on Singapore’s foreign policy. The Government welcomes their interest.

Many Singapore Chinese community leaders have been generous in sharing their experiences and insights in doing business and dealing with officials overseas. Some even serve as our non-resident Ambassadors. MFA is grateful for their contributions.

Second, those who wish to contribute to flying Singapore’s flag need to develop a good understanding of our core interests, which is underpinned by promoting a just, inclusive and rules-based international order where sovereign states, regardless of size, have equal rights. Minister Vivian has expounded on this in his COS speech.

We have taken pains, for example, during the debate on the Addendum to the President’s Address last April, to highlight that our foreign policy is not premised on neutrality or seeking to balance between big powers, but on Singapore’s core interests.

These interests are founded on our identity as multiracial country, representing all Singaporeans regardless of race. Ethnic connections are useful in cultivating business and friendships wigion, but fundamentally, we look at things as Singaporeans. When speaking, we must speak as Singaporeans, on behalf of multiracial Singapore, even when dealing with countries with whom we have very close and friendly relations.

Third, cultural affinity does not equate national identity. Take Singaporeans of Chinese ethnic descent for instance – we are both Singaporeans and Singaporean Chinese (huaren), but not overseas Chinese (huaqiao). Members of the Singapore Chinese community, civic organisations and business associations that grasp the above points fully would be able to play an effective role as we seek to build win-win international partnerships.

Even amidst a world that is increasingly polarised, Singapore can, and does, maintain excellent relations with all our major partners.

For instance, we maintain very good ties with the US and China. Both of them continue to work with us because they trust that we continue to act in a principled, open and consistent manner, based on our long-term national interests.

Mr Shawn Huang and Mr Edward Chia have asked about Singapore’s outlook for China in 2024 and how we can build up our bilateral relations with China.

We have good relations at the leadership level. Over the past year, we welcomed PRC Vice President Han Zheng and Foreign Minister Wang Yi to Singapore. Prime Minister Lee, Deputy Prime Minister Lawrence Wong, Minister Vivian and several other Singaporean leaders, including myself, have visited China.

Our people-to-people ties have also been strong due to, inter alia, our extensive business links, student exchanges and tourism. The recent entry into force of the 30-day mutual visa exemption arrangement provides more opportunities for those ties to deepen and broaden.

Bilateral cooperation is deep and multifaceted. 2023 saw the upgrade of Singapore-China relations to the unique status of an “All-Round High-Quality Future-Oriented Partnership”. Relations are anchored by the Joint Council for Bilateral Cooperation (JCBC), which is the apex bilateral cooperation platform.

During the 19th JCBC last year, more than 20 deliverables were announced. There is growing cooperation in traditional areas like trade, finance and people-to-people exchanges, as well as in emerging areas like the digital and green economies. As the world’s second largest economy and our largest trading partner in goods, there are significant opportunities for us to cooperate with China economically. We will continue to explore ways to further broaden our engagement of China.

Such achievements in our bilateral relations do not stem from the individual initiatives, but rather, comes from strong links between our governments, peoples and businesses which have been built up over many decades.

The Government will continue to work hard at identifying ways through which we can forge deeper people-to-people ties and friendships with China.

(In English): Mr Henry Kwek asked how Singapore can remain a trusted partner of the US. Singapore has a deep and dynamic partnership with the US – spanning the economic, trade, security and defence spheres. Singapore is the US' only Major Security Cooperation Partner. This unique category underscores our partnership.

Economic relations have grown significantly since the establishment of the US-Singapore FTA, the first between the US and an Asian country. Bilateral trade has more than doubled since its entry into force 20 years ago. Today, the US is our largest foreign investor, top trading partner in services and third-largest partner in goods trade. We are expanding cooperation with the US in emerging areas like technology and innovation. We launched the US-Singapore Critical and Emerging Technology Dialogue last October. We are working with the US to develop a roadmap for our digital economic cooperation to chart common principles in areas like digital standards, consumer protection and data governance. We are also looking to strengthen cooperation on climate resilient infrastructure and regional decarbonisation efforts.

Our long-held view is that the US' presence and leadership has played and will continue to play a vital role for the stability, security and prosperity of the region. We will continue to encourage the US to engage the region through initiatives like the Indo Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF).

Mr Chairman, I seek your indulgence for a few more minutes.

The Chairman: You may go ahead.

Ms Sim Ann: Mr Vikram Nair and Mr Dennis Tan spoke about intensifying US-China competition. The US-China relationship is the most consequential one in the world and one that we are watching closely. As partners with both, we are heartened to see that their relations have improved over the past few months. We expect that tensions between the two countries will persist for some time and competition will be inevitable to some degree.

But this does not mean that the entire relationship has to be zero-sum. There are still many areas, where both sides can work together for mutual benefit and for the global good. This could include climate change, macroeconomic stability, global health and food security. It could also extend to emerging areas – like AI governance and safety.

Mr Zhulkarnain, Ms Joan Pereira and Mr Shawn Huang asked how Singapore is building relations with other countries, including new and emerging markets, to enhance our economic and supply chain resilience. We are deepening our links with other significant global players. Japan and the Republic of Korea are strong economic partners and fellow champions of an open trading system. We continue to strengthen cooperation with both in new areas, like the digital and green economies, energy transition and sustainability.

We are also deepening our relations with Europe. We welcomed the UK as the CPTPP's newest member in July 2023. This will provide enhanced access to the UK market and new opportunities for trade and investment for Singapore companies. We are looking at new avenues of cooperation with the EU. For example, we will work towards the conclusion of an ambitious and modern Digital Trade Agreement. When completed, it will increase bilateral trade and serve as a model for an eventual ASEAN-EU-wide digital trade agreement.

Closer to our region, we continue to refresh our engagements with our longstanding strategic partner – Australia. We have complementary strengths and an interest, increasing cooperation in supply chain resilience, renewable energy and the digital and green economies and we will also focus more on emerging markets further afield.

Ms Rachel Ong, Ms Nadia Ahmad Samdin and Mr Mark Lee asked how MFA can engage Singaporeans and businesses on foreign policy issues amidst global uncertainties.

We have stated earlier, that unity and cohesion are prerequisites if we are to navigate an increasingly dangerous and contested world. It is truly the case that Singapore's foreign policy begins at home. This is why MFA will continue engaging the public to understand Singaporeans' concerns and to explain our foreign policy. Minister Vivian, Second Minister Maliki and I, along with other Ministers, Ambassadors and senior MFA officials, spend time speaking to students and members of the public.

We value Singaporeans' views on global affairs and embrace the opportunity to discuss foreign policy considerations. We also do the same with business leaders and chambers of commerce and industry. They, too, are keen to understand Singapore's assessment of the global geopolitical situation and the risks and opportunities that arise from it.

The intention is to create a broad understanding of the principles and motivations that underlie our foreign policy. Hopefully, this can lead to consensus on the way forward. But even if that is elusive, we must be able to calmly agree to disagree. We must not let external issues or external forces divide us.

If we can achieve this, then we can continuously exercise our agency and find ways to keep Singapore safe and thriving. This is for the sake of all Singaporeans.

The Chairman: We have time for clarifications. Mr Pritam Singh.

3.00 pm

Mr Pritam Singh (Aljunied): Mr Chairman, thank you to the Minister for a very broad-ranging speech which I thought was very helpful.

I refer to one of the points which he anchored his speech on, which is about foreign policy beginning at home and the importance of a cohesive and united society in Singapore. I subscribe to those points. Perhaps, it is best to describe it through something which happened some years ago.

The Minister gave me a call. It does not matter which country it is, it does not matter which race or which Embassy it was. A particular Embassy had reached out to Singaporean MPs of a particular race and had invited them for an event. The Minister shared with me, at least the PAP's position was they would not be going for this event because of the particular way it was organised – only for one particular race of MPs to show up. And it did not take long, in fact, hardly a few seconds for me to just tell the Minister, "Look, I think that is something we will follow suit because we are Singapore." I think that is something quite pregnant with meaning to it when I said that, when I said, "We are Singapore." I want to share this episode just to set the tone of the conversation in the right spirit.

Two points which the Minister raised. One was self defence. I have no disagreement with the Minister about how important it is for Singapore to retain our right to self defence. The only issue in case of Israel-Hama's conflict was that the conflict had a history. I do not mean a long history, but I mean a far shorter history – four conflicts in a short period of about less than two decades. Almost every time, it is a case of one side going too far. And this was what I sought to share in my speech in November when Mr Vikram Nair and his colleagues filed a Motion on this subject.

The second element which I think is important to talk about and the Minister made the nuance actually very well in his speech when he talked about the events of 7 October. Certainly, they are acts of terror.

The only issue, Sir, is language shapes narrative. In a conflict, that is critical insofar as shaping minds and shaping the information landscape and when you have a situation where one party is likely to dehumanise another party – which they have done in the past; its senior leadership, people in government continue to do so – the language that is used is important.

I recall the Minister in November, being very careful and he said, "Notice I am just referring to what happened on that day." I think that is important.

Those are the points that I feel compelled to share with the Minister notwithstanding my broad agreement with what he has shared today.

But I have two questions that can be helpful in terms of the public conversation and in terms of engagement with Singaporeans on foreign policy.

One, again, on the Israel-Hamas issue, I have received those emails. I am sure the Ministry has received those emails. I think some of them are Singaporeans. I cannot speak for every email that comes through. But there was a view that we should cut relations with Israel. That is a separate question. But it will be helpful to understand the nuance of how foreign policy is determined when you have a situation where one party, for example, does not believe in the two-state solution. That is our national position. The current Israeli leadership does not believe in the two-state solution. They have said so publicly. I think a few of their ministers have said so publicly, notwithstanding a motion that was passed in the Israeli parliament last week.

So, it will be helpful to understand how we traverse, how we move on a foreign policy issue, when we take a particular position and one of the other parties takes a diametrically different position.

The Chairman: Mr Singh, I would appreciate if you could keep your clarification short.

Mr Pritam Singh: I am done soon. Thank you for your indulgence, Chairman. This was also a similar question that came up arising from our activities on the ground. The Minister again may have experienced it and he spoke about it in his speech, where insofar as the Russia-Ukraine conflict is concerned, individuals are asking why do we go so far as to sanction Russia, when we can actually make our point by saying we disagree with their actions towards Ukraine because this goes against international law.

So, some understanding for the public about how we move vis-à-vis our own position would be helpful.

I am not putting these questions to suggest that I disagree with the position of MFA on these matters, but that understanding is something that can move the conversation in public forward, because as the Minister has also shared, a lot of people in Singapore are talking about it for various reasons.

Dr Vivian Balakrishnan: First, I will thank the Member for his cooperation in the past. He has revealed a private and sensitive conversation that we had. I am not going to go through the details, but I do want to affirm that, yes, I do have private and sensitive conversations with the Opposition. I will also affirm that to date, in fact, we have arrived at consensus, we have arrived at agreement, specifically for that particular issue, but I would also say, as a matter of habit, we have been able to make sure our politics stop at the water's edge – and for that, I thank you.

The next thing, since a lot of the Member's questions have been about the problems in Gaza, I am going to start – and I welcome you to correct me if I am wrong – by listing where we agree.

I think I have heard the Member say he agreed that what happened on 7 October was an act of terror. The Member has also affirmed that there is a right of self defence. The Member has highlighted the danger of words used or misused, or used without sufficient thought or caution. And the Member has also highlighted the dangers of dehumanising someone whom you do not agree with. On this, I can say I agree with you on those points.

Specifically, for the Member's on diplomatic ties – and I think we both received the same emails – I detect in the Member's question — actually, I suspect the Member actually agrees with me that we should not sever diplomatic ties, even when the government of the day of another country may have quite a fundamental disagreement with us on policy.

So, I am saying I detect that, actually, the Member is agreeing with us. Mr Chairman, can I just seek confirmation that the Member agrees with us?

The Chairman: Mr Pritam Singh.

Mr Pritam Singh: Sir, short of re-characterising how I put my question, which I have thought through carefully, indeed, my query on diplomatic ties, I would rather be in communication with a party rather than not be in communication with a party.

But the point I think was about how you respond when the other party actually takes a diametrically different position from your national position.

Dr Vivian Balakrishnan: Mr Chairman, I will interpret that as, actually, the Member agrees.

Mr Pritam Singh: You do not need to interpret it. I agree.

Dr Vivian Balakrishnan: Thank you. Sir, actually, on policy and on action and position, I think the WP agrees with the position that we have taken. But the Member's question, to be fair, is please share what is the Member's thinking behind. Because the WP and the PAP can arrive at the same decision, but for completely different reasons and a different rationale.

So, I think it is a fair question to seek what are your principal considerations and how do you arrive at a decision like this.

Specifically, for diplomatic ties – and I stand ready to be corrected by the Prime Minister – I do not think we have ever broken ties in 59 years or at least in the 20 years that the Prime Minister has been around. I will get my staff to check. But I cannot recall a single moment when we have broken ties. So, that is just a matter of fact-checking.

Again, to the question, from time to time, will we have disagreements, even stand-offs, even close to kinetic action with other countries? And the answer is yes.

And will a performative gesture of formally breaking ties, would that necessarily be helpful? So, that would be my first question that I would ask myself and I would ask my staff and I would ask the Prime Minister. Do we want to go through this performative gesture and will it help?

My own inclination is to say, in times of tensions, in times of divergence, in times of conflict, the more you can engage and communicate and keep multiple channels of communication open, the better. So, that is my first point.

To add on examples to that, in the case of Russia and Ukraine, we have not broken ties with Russia. Again, without spilling state secrets, have I continued to meet informally my counterpart in Russia? Yes, I have continued to meet informally. I have told my Prime Minister I have had to inhale second-hand smoke and I have drunk good whiskey for the sake of Singapore.

And why do I do that? Because I am not engaged in performative gestures. I want to hear. I want to understand. At the same time, I want to communicate to him and to his country, so they know why we had taken a different position from them. It is not personal, it is not bilateral, and even when we go as far as to levy sanctions, these are targeted sanctions. We will make sure that Singapore is not a portal for arms or dual-use equipment which can be used against Ukrainians and Ukrainian civilians. And I can say that our relations with Russia, I mean, the Russians have had to say certain things about us. But, in fact, if you observe their acts, the actions and the conduct between Russia and Singapore, it has been mutually respectful. It has been constructive. I look forward to the day when the war in Ukraine ends, and relations and the conduct of business can get back to normal.

Coming to Israel, it has been a rare privilege that our diplomats and Ministers have access to all the countries, literally, all the countries in the Middle East, even and especially during this time of crisis. We do not agree with everything that every counterpart in Israel and the Arab countries state, but they listen to us. They respect our positions. They work with us to deliver assistance. And mind you, even for the delivery of humanitarian assistance, we will need to work with Israel. The fact that everyone knows we do have good relations with Israel also gives us a special ability to contribute and to be more effective in the delivery of humanitarian assistance.

So, that is basically my thinking. There will be disagreements from time to time, that is normal. Having more channels open in general is good. Do you have to, sometimes, take actions to signify your disapproval? You do.

But even in your choice of actions and diplomatic gestures, be very restrained, be very careful. And then, focus on outcomes.

In this case, Singapore has no say in what will happen between Israel and Palestine. But we have an opinion – for what it is worth. Both the Israelis and the Palestinians know our position is not identical with each of them, but they know why we take the positions that we take, and that has not stopped us from having mutually respectful and constructive relations.

3.15 pm

No, I do not take it for granted. When I share notes, even with my counterparts in ASEAN, in other countries, very few people have access that we have had. We have been to Jerusalem, to literally every capital. When we went to Jerusalem, and the Prime Minister will recall, the way in which the Israelis, the Jordanians, the administrators of Al-Haram, Al-Sharif, the way they treated us and the access that they gave us, the Prime Minister will agree, it was unprecedented.

I do not take that for granted. I think we had that because we have conducted foreign policy in a principled, consistent, respectful and constructive way for decades. And that gives us access, that gives us some relevance. But never, never overestimate our weight. We remain small, remote, multiracial.

The purpose of most of my speech today was not about the technicalities of foreign policy. Actually, it is to reflect that our very foundation and our identity is based on diversity. It is our identity, it is our strength, but also understand that with that strength comes portals of vulnerabilities.

What we are trying to achieve here is not peace in the Middle East, but for us, all Singaporeans, we are able to say we may have different opinions, deeply held for a variety of reasons, but it will not divide us. And we will still make common cause and we will still be constructive partners with our friends across conflict zones. Whether that conflict is in Myanmar, which is a civil war; between neighbours like Ukraine and Russia, who also have a complicated history; or between the interminable rounds of violence in the Middle East.

The fact that Singapore is, well, you know, has access, has respect and has a small and constructive role to play is something which we should be grateful for. But my main point today, so long as we stay united, so long as we are able to respect, truly respect diverse opinions and still operate as a united whole.

For that, I thank the Leader of the Opposition, I thank the Members of the Opposition and the NMPs for what I believe today is consensus on foreign policy.

The Chairman: I see many Members wanting to seek clarifications, which is good. But this is the clarification stage. The last clarification was six minutes long; so I want to make sure we keep it short. Mr Murali.

Mr Murali Pillai: Mr Chairman, sir, may I seek a response to my cut speech on improving consular services for Singaporeans?

The Chairman: Senior Minister of State Sim Ann.

Ms Sim Ann: Mr Chairman, thank you for the opportunity to address Mr Murali and I believe also Mr Xie Yao Quan's cut, on how MFA has leveraged technology to improve our consular services. One of the most important roles for MFA is to provide consular assistance to Singaporeans who are abroad. The volume is growing as more Singaporeans live, work and travel abroad.

In 2023, MFA handled 4,419 consular cases and facilitated the issuance of 1,535 Documents of Identity. A Document of Identity is a temporary travel document for Singaporeans who have lost their passports and which enables them to return home.

With diplomatic representation in just 56 countries, a constant challenge we face is how to provide assistance where we do not have a ground presence. To mitigate this, we continue to build a pool of professional first responders in MFA headquarters, who can render 24/7 consular support and assistance to Singaporeans overseas via phone and email. We also partner with other countries.

For example, we worked with the Republic of Korea to help evacuate five Singaporeans from Tel Aviv to Seoul in October. We also partnered the Thai, Vietnamese and Chinese governments to evacuate Singaporeans from northern Myanmar last year. Mr Murali has asked how MFA assesses Singaporeans' satisfaction with consular services rendered to them.

We place great importance on such feedback that we receive from members of the public. We are encouraged by positive feedback that we have regularly received from citizens, but we continue to actively evaluate comments and suggestions on areas that we can improve on. We are also embracing technology to help improve the quality of our services. We have developed a consular case management system that connects our overseas missions and headquarters digitally, which allows us to better track consular cases and better coordinate the provision of assistance to Singaporeans. We will also use this data to analyse trends and thereby sharpen our ability to deliver timely assistance.

The Chairman: Ms Nadia Samdin.

Ms Nadia Ahmad Samdin: Thank you very much, Chairman, and to each of the MFA Ministers for your response, especially the Minister's sharing at the start of clarification time. It was helpful.

I would like to build on the earlier point of how ultimately foreign policy begins at home and seek a clarification on the Israel-Palestine crisis.

While I appreciate the Minister taking great pains to explain and address concerns, reiterating some of Singapore's positions regarding acts of terrorism, the votes we have taken at UN and correctly reminding us of our fragile place in the world and the importance of unity among our people, all of which I agree with, and while I can also understand Minister's explanation as to why we have not cut off ties, including with Israel, because at the end of the day, bearing in mind our size, maybe having a seat at the table and a chance to dialogue is better than closing off the chance to raise concerns. And also how our aid is trustworthy, our medical supplies are what they say they are, and are more likely be able to pass through borders.

The question I have, Sir, which many on the ground also have is, how are we translating our position that, according to the Minister in this case, maybe Israel has gone too far and that we are supportive of a ceasefire to prevent further humanitarian tragedy in Gaza, to how foreign policy begins at home in a congruent manner across all of Government – for example, the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) in the case of permits for events, the Ministry of Communications and Information (MCI) for dialogues, MOE for the way we educate our students and the Ministry of Trade and Industry (MTI) in the case of the Air Show.

Dr Vivian Balakrishnan: Mr Chair, I do not think it is appropriate for me to respond on behalf of MHA or MOE, so, let me try to confine my answer to MFA. First, I thank the Member for her understanding and agreement with the elements of our foreign policy that I have expounded on. So, thank you for that.

Specifically, the question on how our stand, given that it differs from the Israelis, because I am sure the Israelis will disagree with us, I think, when we say that the military response has gone too far. Similarly, in my conversations with my Arab counterparts, their interpretation of events will not be identical to ours.

So, I would say the first point is to accept that these differences are in the nature of things. What has been good is that it has not stopped us from communicating, from working together and in the more specific case now of even delivering humanitarian assistance and more to come.

I am glad, therefore, that the Member agrees, particularly that we should not break ties and we should maintain those links, despite the differences of opinion that we have.

More specifically for this issue, we have said we voted for immediate humanitarian ceasefire. It is necessary. I should also have added that actually the hostages taken on 7 October should be released, should be released completely, immediately and unconditionally.

What we are witnessing, frankly, is a cynical calculus in blood. But we do not want any part of that, because we are not party to that quarrel. So, we are simply taking a stand on principle: terrorism is wrong, hostage-taking is wrong, please release the hostages immediately, do not use any excuse historical or whatever to cover for that. At the same time, two wrongs do not make a right. Even when you pursue self defence, there are limits and please stay within those limits.

At the end of it all, remember despite all the diversity in the world and even the discordance, we are all human beings and we must feel something for innocent civilians. The loss, you cannot help feeling! Every innocent child, every civilian who loses his life or has a family member maimed, this is in fact storing up tinder for the next cycle of violence. So, even if you want to take a completely amoral attitude to this calculus, this is counterproductive.

Again, I reiterate that I am very grateful for, I believe, the consensus that we have achieved here and it enables me to speak to my counterparts with greater confidence that I have the support of Members in this House and of Singaporeans when we pursue a foreign policy that is principle-based, that is consistent, that is constructive and that is able to operate in the midst of diversity, both internally and externally, the same. So, thank you.

The Chairman: Mr Raj Joshua Thomas.

Mr Raj Joshua Thomas (Nominated Member): Thank you, Sir, and I thank the hon Senior Minister of State Sim Ann for her elaboration on our relations with the middle powers within the time constraints that she had. Our relations with the middle powers are increasingly more important as we navigate the complexities of today's global order. I have two clarifications, Sir.

The first is as regards to the EU-Singapore Trade Agreement, there are two subsidiary agreements, the EU-Singapore Investment Protection Agreement and the EU-Singapore Partnership and Cooperation Agreement which have yet to be ratified. Could I ask the Senior Minister of State if she could give some updates on what is the status of that and when we can expect them to be ratified and come into force.

The second is as regard our ties with Germany, Federal Chancellor Olaf Scholz and Prime Minister issued a joint declaration in 2022 entitled Partners for a Resilient and Sustainable Future which included enhancing cooperation in various economic areas. May I ask if the Senior Minister of State could give us some insights into how we are pursuing cooperation with Germany in new and emerging areas such as renewable energy, the digital economy and cyber security.

Ms Sim Ann: I thank Mr Joshua Raj for his questions. On the ratification of the ESPCA – that is what we call it, EU-Singapore Partnership and Cooperation Agreement – as well as Investment Protection Agreement, we are constantly working with the EU member states to have these agreements ratified because we negotiated them together and we believe that these are very important agreements that will complement the EU-Singapore FTA in bringing about greater certainty for our companies on both sides and also at the same time enhance the cooperation that we have at all levels with the EU.

So, progress is ongoing. I am not able to give a timeframe, but this is something that we regularly bring up with our EU member state counterparts whenever we meet them.

As for Germany, we in fact are pursuing cooperation in emerging areas such as the green and digital economies with many partners, Germany is one of them. But I am happy to share with the Member that we have a very strong foundation with Germany because we have already welcomed more than 2,200 German companies to Singapore which have created more than 4,500 jobs here. We also share close defence ties and this existing foundation enables us, I believe, to collaborate more effectively on new and emerging areas such as sustainability and innovation. This is something we look forward to.

The Chairman: Ms Sylvia Lim.

Ms Sylvia Lim: Thank you, Chairman. I have a clarification for Minister for Foreign Affairs on Israel. I understand that late last year, Singapore appointed a resident ambassador to Israel and it was the first time that Singapore actually has a resident ambassador there despite having diplomatic ties with Israel for more than 50 years.

So, I would like to clarify, what is the significance of this move now and is it in any way related to 7 October, or is it part of a longer-term strategy?

3.30 pm

Dr Vivian Balakrishnan: Thank you, Mr Chair, and I thank the Member for that question. The timing of our resident ambassador taking up post had nothing to do with 7 October. It was just fortuitous or unfortuitous, depending on your point of view.

The answer is yes, it was part of a longer-term plan.

Beyond the travails that Israel has gone through, if you just stop thinking about the conflict but just look at their achievements economically, their achievements technologically, especially in cyber, in water, in agriculture and in many of the advanced technologies, it is a place with talent and technologies that we want access to.

As the Member said, our diplomatic ties with them go back a long time. But we do not have enough people to place all over the world. Right now, in terms of ambassadors, resident ambassadors, I think the number is just around 40. If you include all the consulates, we have maybe about 50-odd consulates in the world, in a world with about 200 states!

So, the short answer to the question is, it had everything to do with long-term plans and long-term opportunities.

The Chairman: Mr Xie Yao Quan.

Mr Xie Yao Quan: Thank you, Chairman. I just want to come back to my cut about how Singapore is helping other countries to build capacity. Can I seek some clarification from MFA, please?

Ms Sim Ann: Thank you for giving me the opportunity to also address Mr Xie Yao Quan's cut and I hope also some of the points raised by Ms Usha Chandradas.

In terms of our support of other countries' capacity building efforts, this is something that we are committed to. We want to be constructive partners in supporting the development of other countries, because we recall how Singapore has benefited from the assistance of others during the early years of our Independence. So, we do this by sharing our development experiences through the Singapore Cooperation Programme, or SCP for short.

In the last 30 years, over 150,000 officials from more than 180 countries, territories and inter-governmental organisations have participated in SCP in a wide range of capacity‑building courses, among which we are giving greater focus to sustainability.

We have a Sustainability Action Package, or SAP, which supports efforts by developing countries to build resilience in water and food security, to manage and finance green projects and to develop sustainable infrastructure and carbon markets. For example, we are working more with the Pacific Islands, who are fellow small island developing states.

Minister Vivian attended the 52nd Pacific Islands Forum Leaders' Meeting in November 2023. During the meeting, we announced the launch of the Singapore Pacific Resilience and Knowledge Sharing Technical Assistance Package. This is a customised three-year programme that aims to help the Pacific community build capacity to address some of the most pressing challenges that they have identified.

Mr Mark Lee: I thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs for the clear and comprehensive explanation. I have two supplementary questions.

The first supplementary question is that there seems to be an increasing demand amongst young people to be more involved in engaging and hearing out their views. Therefore, I was wondering if MFA would consider getting young people involved by developing youth leaders, pardon my pun, as ambassadors on the ground, as well as creating more spaces for organised discussion so that MFA can thoroughly explain their policy formulation.

My second supplementary question is in regards to what Deputy Prime Minister Lawrence Wong said yesterday about nurturing, supporting and providing more Singaporeans who wish to go overseas to work and grow their experience.

How does MFA actually plan to support and provide reassurance to Singaporeans working and living overseas, particularly during this volatile global landscape, in ensuring their safety and well-being so that we can inspire confidence among these Singaporeans and families to pursue their global opportunities boldly, knowing that the Ministry has their back?

Dr Vivian Balakrishnan: Thank you. On the first point, I agree with the Member. Young Singaporeans have views and they do want to have access to the facts, the narratives, and I think they do want to have spaces for structured discussions. But particularly, when you are dealing with a live issue, it becomes that much harder, not just in terms of urgency but because emotions are raw, the chief protagonists are still in play – and it is not possible always to have a dispassionate remote discussion.

Frankly, I think in the past, in a pre-social-media age and the Internet, it was easier to say: wait a minute, this is still a live issue, let us give it some time; and then discuss it.

I do not think that option is available today because if we do not actually provide safe places for structured discussions, and deliberately try to lower temperatures and have discussions that shed more light than heat, what will happen in the absence of that is you will see the unbridled and sometimes unhinged, unfair and inaccurate portrayals in social media dominating.

So, I just want to say I agree with you, and it is in that spirit, and again I am not speaking on behalf of Minister Chan, but it is in that spirit we have to support the efforts of MOE, MHA, the Ministry for Culture, Community and Youth in the months and years to come. We need to do far more than we used to do in the past.

In the case of MFA, I have told my staff and they all agree with me, we have to do far more of what we call retail diplomacy. Meaning diplomacy is no longer just travelling, meeting, engaging your counterparts, but we have to make the case back home domestically and explain it. It means every ambassador is not just an ambassador overseas, but I have told my ambassadors every time they come back for mid-term consultations or for meetings, we will have to deploy them in schools, in universities, institutions of higher learning. So, I agree with you.

The second point is, you will be amazed at how widely and well-travelled Singaporeans are. I get to know about it when they get into trouble and a phone call comes or a message, an email comes. So, the first point is Singaporeans are some of the most widely travelled people in the world. And that is a good thing. Good because first, Singaporeans have opportunities; two, because Singaporeans are also broadening their minds and horizons and are looking for opportunities overseas, and the fact that you are Singaporean with the red passport, one of the most accessible passports in the world, that is a strength.

Having said that, I must also confess to sometimes being worried when Singaporeans then turn around and say: I need you to give me a warranty. And the answer is: yes, I do have your back and I will do my best, but I cannot give you a warranty that the rest of the world is as safe and secure and peaceful as Singapore.

During those rare occasions when MFA actually issues a travel advisory or travel notice, I appeal for Singaporeans, please pay attention to it. Do not go to a trouble spot if you really do not have to. And in any case, if you do, for whatever reason, please register with us and we will do our best.

The final point I will make, and this also relates to ASEAN, we have a very good informal but functional relationship within ASEAN, that even when our people or citizens need help and we do not have a mission on the ground, informally, we reach out through our ASEAN networks to provide assistance. I should record my thanks that there have been even occasions when evacuating Singaporeans from war zones, we have had to "tompang" convoys led by or organised by our ASEAN neighbours. So, that is another plug for ASEAN and why we must get into this habit of looking out for each other.

The Chairman: We have had 40 minutes of clarifications. If there are no further clarifications, can I invite Mr Vikram Nair if you would like to withdraw your amendment?

Mr Vikram Nair: I would like to thank Minister Vivian Balakrishnan, Second Minister Maliki Osman and Senior Minister Sim Ann for sharing the good work of the Ministry.

I think in a slightly unusual approach, all three addressing the Israel-Hamas issue, which is an emotive issue. But I think it has been good that we have the position of the Government explained clearly. I am also grateful to the Leader of the Opposition for standing with us on this difficult issue.

Since we have consensus, Chairman, I seek your leave to withdraw my amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

The sum of $536,736,600 for Head N ordered to stand part of the Main Estimates.

The sum of $25,500,000 for Head N ordered to stand part of the Development Estimates.

The Chairman: Order. I propose to take a break now.

Thereupon Mr Deputy Speaker left the Chair of the Committee and took the Chair of the House.

Mr Speaker: Order. I suspend the Sitting and will take the Chair at 4.05 pm. Order, order.

Sitting accordingly suspended

at 3.42 pm until 4.05 pm.

Sitting resumed at 4.05 pm.

[Deputy Speaker (Ms Jessica Tan Soon Neo) in the Chair]

Debate in Committee of Supply resumed.